James Milroy: Some new perspectives on sound change:
sociolinguistics and the Neogrammarians.
146-160.
Answer the following questions using the book and
other sources.
Why
does Milroy say that sound change appears to have no “obvious function or rational
motivation” (146)?
Because for
example, in a change from [e:] to [i:], (as in such
items as meet, need…), it is impossible to see any progress or benefit to the
language or its speakers- the use of one vowel-sound rather than another is
purely arbitrary: there is apparently no profit and no loss, that is, it
appears to have “no obvious function or rational motivation”.
What
is/are the main difference/s between Milroy’s approach and that of the Neogrammarians (147-148)?
The basic axiom of the Neogrammarian movement is that sound change is “regular”:
sound “laws” have no exceptions. The Neogrammarians
were also interested in how “sound change”, in the narrower sense outlined
above, is implemented. One important Neogrammarian
claim is that regular sound change is phonetically gradual but lexically
abrupt. Milroy is against these ideas “I do not think that this is a plausible
scenario for sound change. The difference between the Neogrammarians
and Milroy is that the first group focus on language
as an object, and do not take into consideration the speakers of the said
language. In contrast, Milroy focus on the importance of analysing speech and
language in social contexts.
According
to Milroy, what is language change dependent on? (149?)
It is assumed that language
change is embedded in a context of language maintenance. The degree to which
the change is admitted will depend on the degree of internal cohesion in the
community, and change from outside will be admitted to the extent that there
are large numbers of “weak ties” with outsiders.
Why
does Milroy say that sound change actually doesn’t exist (150)?
Because he says that speech
“sounds” do not physically change: what happens is that in the course of time
one sound is substituted for another; speakers of a given dialect gradually and
variably begin to use sound X in environments where speakers formerly used
sound Y.
Why
does Milroy disagree with the Neogrammarians when
they say that sound change is “blind” (150)?
Because Milroy says that sound
change is a social phenomenon in that it comes about because speakers in
conversation bring about, speakers often have very strong feelings about it,
and it is manifested in speaker usage. Such a view is obviously a very long
distance away from the Neogrammarian notion that
sound change is “blind”.
What
is meant by “lexical diffusion” (151)?
It is a theory that says that sound changes originate in a single word or a
small group of words and then spread to other words with a similar phonological
make-up, but may not spread to all words in which they potentially could apply.
It is a socially gradual
process and abrupt replacement pattern, by which a form changes and the
resulting form is markedly different to the original one.
What
does dialect displacement mean? Give an example. (152)
It is when a whole “dialect”
can die out as another “dialect” replaces it, leaving only a few traces behind
it. This is a result of changes in speaker-agreement on the norms of usage in
speech communities. For example, Milroy refers to West Midland dialects of
Middle English by weakly inflected
What
are “community” or “vernacular” norms? What term that we have used in class is
similar (152)?
We can recognize
different dialects of a language demonstrates that other norms exist apart from
the standards ones, and that these norms are observed by speakers and
maintained by communities often in opposition to standardizing norms. It is
convenient to call these community norms
or vernacular norms. These norms
manifest themselves at different levels of generality. Some of them, for
example, characterize the dialect as a whole and are recognize by outsiders as
markers of that dialect. Others, however, are hardly accessible except by
quantitative methods and may function within the community as markers of
internal social differences, for example, gender-difference.
What
does Milroy mean when he says that h-dropping may not ever reach “completion”
(153)?
That
a change can persist as a variable state for seven or eight centuries without
ever going to “completion” in the traditional sense.
Explain
what Milroy means by “speaker innovation” and change in the system. How are
they connected (153)?
The distinction
between innovation and change leads to an associated distinction – the
distinction between speaker innovation, on the one hand, and linguistic change,
on the other. The terms innovation and change should reflect a conceptual
distinction: an innovation is an act of the speaker, whereas a change is
manifested within the language system. It is speakers, and not languages, that
innovate. It should also be noted that an innovation, when it occurs, must be
unstructured and “irregular” and not describable by quantitative or statistical
methods. It may be observable, but when observed, it is not known that it will
lead to a change and is probably thought to be an error or defective usage of
some kind. It is also quite clear that this distinction between innovation and
change has not been sufficiently carefully or consistently observed in
historical linguistics, and that many discussions about linguistic change have
been in reality about linguistic innovation. It is,
however, clear that for a speaker-innovation to become a change, it must be
adopted by some community. It must pass from one speaker to others.
Why isn’t borrowing from one language to another and
the replacement of one sound by another through speaker innovation with a
language as radically different as the Neogrammarians
posited (154-6)?
Because it is possible to
argue that each single event of borrowing into a new speech community is just
as much an innovation as the presumed original event in the “original speech
community”.
What
is necessary for a sound to spread (157)?
It is assumed that
the spread of the change is by “borrowing” and implied that the spread
therefore does not involve sudden replacement- this is said to be “aside from
its spread by borrowing”. In other words, it is possible to argue that each
single event of “borrowing” into a new speech community is just as much an
innovation as the presumed original event in the “original speech community”.
Why
does believing in the ideology of standardization lead to believing in “blind necessity”
(158)?
From a sociolinguistic
perspective, standard languages are not “normal” languages. They are created by
the imposition of political and military power, hence, the sound-patterns in
them and the changes that come about in these sound patterns do not come about
through blind necessity. Standard languages are carefully constructed in order
to appear as if they are discrete linguistic entities- and the ideology of
standardization causes people to believe that they are indeed discrete physical
entities-whereas dialects and languages that have not been standardized have
fuzzy boundaries and are indeterminate.
What does Milroy mean by
“clean” and “dirty” data (158)?
Clean
data: which have already been largely normalized.
The vernaculars that we actually encounter in the speech community are
relatively intractable. The data we encounter is to a greater extent “dirty” data that presents itself as irregular and chaotic progress in understanding
linguistic change will largely depend on our ability to cope with these “dirty”
data expose the systematic behind them.