Samuel Richardson
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free encyclopedia
For the
Derbyshire cricketer, see Samuel Richardson (cricketer).
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Born |
19 August 1689 |
Died |
4 July 1761 (aged 71) |
Spouse(s) |
Martha Wilde, Elizabeth Leake |
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Samuel Richardson (19
August 1689 – 4 July 1761) was an 18th-century English writer and printer. He is best known for his three epistolary
novels: Pamela: Or, Virtue Rewarded (1740), Clarissa: Or the
History of a Young Lady (1748) and The History of Sir Charles
Grandison (1753). Outside of his writing career, Richardson was an
established printer and publisher for most of his life and printed almost 500
different works and various journals and magazines.
During his printing career, Richardson was to experience the death of his
first wife along with their five sons, and eventually remarry. Although with
his second wife he had four daughters who lived to become adults, they never
had a male heir to continue running the printing business. Although his print
shop slowly faded away, his legacy was certain when, at the age of 51, he wrote
his first novel
and immediately became one of the most popular and admired writers of his time.
He was surrounded by some of the leading figures in 18th century England,
including Samuel Johnson and Sarah
Fielding. Although he was known by most members of the London literary
community, he was rivals with Henry
Fielding, and the two started responding to each other's literary styles in
their own novels.
Contents
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[edit] Biography
Richardson, one of nine siblings, was born in 1689 in Mackworth, Derbyshire,
to Samuel and Elizabeth Richardson.[1] It is unsure where in Derbyshire he was born because
Richardson always concealed the location.[1] The older Richardson was, according to the younger:
"a very honest man, descended of a family of
middling note, in the country of Surrey, but which having for several
generations a large number of children, the not large possessions were split
and divided, so that he and his brothers were put to trades; and the sisters
were married to tradesmen."[2]
His mother, according to Richardson, "was also a good woman, of a
family not ungenteel; but whose father and mother died in her infancy, within
half-an-hour of each other, in the London pestilence of 1665".[3]
The trade his father pursued was that of a joiner (a type of carpenter, but
Richardson explains that it was "then more distinct from that of a carpenter
than now it is with us").[1] In describing his father's occupation, Richardson stated
that "he was a good draughtsman and understood architecture", and it
was suggested by Samuel Richardson's son-in-law that the senior Richardson was
a cabinetmaker and an exporter of mahogany while working at Aldersgate-street.[1] The abilities and position of his father brought him to
the attention of James Scott, 1st Duke of Monmouth.[3] However this, as Richardson claims, was to Richardson
senior's "great detriment" because the loss of the Monmouth Rebellion, which ended in the death of
the Scott in 1685. After Scott's death, the elder Richardson was forced to
abandon his business in London and live a modest life in Derbyshire.[3]
[edit] Early life
The Richardsons were not constantly exiled from London, but they eventually
returned for the young Richardson was educated at Christ's
Hospital grammar school.[4] The extent that he was educated at the school is
uncertain, and Leigh Hunt wrote years later:
"It is a fact not generally known that
Richardson... received what education he had (which was very little, and did
not go beyond English) at Christ's Hospital. It may be wondered how he could
come no better taught from a school which had sent forth so many good scholars;
but in his time, and indeed till very lately, that foundation was divided into
several schools, none of which partook of the lessons of the others; and
Richardson, agreeably to his father's intention of bringing him up to trade,
was most probably confined to the writing school, where all that was taught was
writing and arithmetic."[5]
However, this conflicts with Richardson's nephew's account that "'it
is certain that [Richardson] was never sent to a more respectable seminary'
than 'a private grammar school" located in Derbyshire".[6]
“ |
I recollect that I was early noted for having
invention. I was not fond of play, as other boys; my school-fellows used to
call me Serious and Gravity; and five of them particularly
delighted to single me out, either for a walk, or at their father's houses,
or at mine, to tell them stories, as they phrased it. Some I told them, from
my reading, as true; others from my head, as mere invention; of which they
would be most fond, and often were affected by them. One of them
particularly, I remember, was for putting me to write a history, as he called
it, on the model of Tommy Pots; I now forget what it was, only that it was of
a servant-man preferred by a fine young lady (for his goodness) to a lord,
who was a libertine. All of my stories carried with them, I am bolt to say,
an useful moral. |
” |
— Samuel Richardson
on his storytelling.[6] |
There is little known of Richardson's of his early years beyond the few things
that Richardson was willing to share.[6] Although he was not forthcoming with specific events and
incidents, he did talk about the origins of his writing ability; Richardson
would tell stories to his friends and spent his youth constantly writing
letters.[7] One such letter, when Richardson was almost 11, was
directed to a woman in her 50s that would constantly criticize others, and,
after "assuming the style and address of a person in years", wrote
her a letter which cautioned her about her actions.[7] However, his handwriting was used to determine that it
was the young Richardson's, and she complained to his mother.[7] The result was, as he explains, that "my mother
chid me for the freedom taken by such a boy with a woman of her years" but
also "commended my principles, though she censured the liberty taken".[7]
After his writing ability was known, he began to help others in the
community write letters.[8] In particular, Richardson, at the age of thirteen,
helped many of the girls that he associated with to write responses to various
love letters that they received.[8] As Richardson claims, "I have been directed to
chide, and even repulse, when an offence was either taken or given, at the very
time that the heart of the chider or repulser was open before me, overflowing
with esteem and affect".[8] Although this helped his writing ability, he cautioned
in 1753 to the Dutch minister Stinstra to not draw to great a conclusion from
these early actions:
"You think, Sir, you can account from my
early secretaryship to young women in my father's neighbourhood, for the
characters I have drawn of the heroines of my three works. But this opportunity
did little more for me, at so tender an age, than point, as I may say, or lead
my enquiries, as I grew up, into the knowledge of female heart."[9]
He continued to explain that he did not fully understand females until
after he was writing Clarissa, and these letters were only a small
beginning.[9]
[edit] Early career
The elder Richardson originally wanted his son to become a clergyman, but
he was not able to afford the education that the younger Richardson would
require, so he let his son pick his own profession.[9] He selected the profession of printing because he hoped
to "gratify a thirst for reading, which, in after years, he
disclaimed".[9] At the age of seventeen, in 1706, Richardson was bound
in seven-year apprenticeship under John Wilde as a printer. Wilde's printing
shop was in Golden Lion Court on Aldersgate Street, and Wilde had a reputation
as "a master who grudged every hour... that tended not to his profit".[10]
“ |
I served a diligent seven years to it; to a master who
grudged every hour to me that tended not to his profit, even of those times
of leisure and diversion, which the refractoriness of my fellow-servants obliged
him to allow them, and were usually allowed by other masters to their
apprentices. I stole from the hours of rest and relaxation, my reading times
for improvement of my mind; and, being engaged in correspondence with a
gentleman, greatly my superior in degree, and of ample fortune, who, had he
lived, intended high things for me; these were all the opportunities I had in
my apprenticeship to carry it on. But this little incident I may mention; I
took care that even my candle was of my own purchasing, that I might not, in
the most trifling instance, make my master a sufferer (and who use to call me
the pillar of his house) and not to disable myself by watching or sitting-up,
to perform my duty to him in the day time. |
” |
— Samuel Richardson
on his time with John Wilde.[11] |
While working for Wilde, he met a rich gentleman who took an interest in
Richardson's writing abilities and the two began to correspond with each other.
When the gentleman died a few years later, Richardson lost a potential patron,
which delayed his ability to pursue his own writing career. He decided to
devote himself completely to his apprenticeship, and he worked his way up to a
position as a compositor and a corrector of the shop's printing press.[12]
In 1713, Richardson left Wilde to become "Overseer and Corrector of a
Printing-Office".[10] This meant that Richardson was running his own shop,
but the location of that shop is unknown.[10] It is possible that the shop was located in Staining
Lane or may have been jointly run with John Leake in Jewin Street.[13]
In 1719, Richardson was able to take his freedom from being an apprentice
and was soon able to afford to set up his own printing shop, which he did after
he moved near the Salisbury Court district close to Fleet Street.[13] Although he claim to business associates that he was
working out of the well-known Salisbury Court, his printing shop was more
accurately located on the corner of Blue Ball Court and Dorset Street in a
house that later became Bell's Building.[13] On 23 November 1721 Richardson married Martha Wilde,
the daughter of his former employer, and it was "prompted mainly by
prudential considerations" although Richardson would claim later that
there was a strong love-affair between him and Martha.[14] He soon brought her to live with him in the printing
shop that served also as his home.[15]
Richardson's career expanded on 6 August 1722 when Richardson took on his
first apprentices: Thomas Gover, George Mitchell, and Joseph Chrichley.[16]
He would later take on William Price (2 May 1727), Samuel Jolley (5 September
1727), Bethell Wellington (2 September 1729), and Halhed Garland (5 May 1730).[17] One of Richardson's first major contracts to print came
in June of 1723 when he began to print the bi-weekly The True Briton for
Philip Wharton, 1st Duke of Wharton.
This was a Jacobite political paper which attacked the government and was soon
censored for printing "common libels". However, Richardson's name was
not on the publication, and he was able to escape any of the negative fallout,
although it is possible that Richardson participated in the papers as far as actually
authoring one himself.[18]
The only lasting effect from the paper would be the adoption of Wharton's
libertine characteristics being incorporated into Richardson's Clarissa
in the character of Robert Lovelace, although Wharton would be only one of many
models of libertine behaviour that Richardson would find in his life.[19] In 1724, Richardson befriended Thomas Gent, Henry
Woodfall, and Arthur Onslow, the latter of those would become the Speaker of the House of Commons.[20]
Over their ten years of marriage, the Richardsons had five sons and one
daughter, and three of the boys were named Samuel after their father, but all
of the boys died after just a few years.Soon after, William, their fourth child
died, Martha died on 25 January 1731. Their youngest son, Samuel, was to live
past his mother for a year longer, but succumbed to illness in 1732. After his
final son died, Richardson attempted to move on with his life; he married
Elizabeth Leake and the two moved into another house on Blue Ball Court.
However, Elizabeth and his daughter were not the only ones living with him
since Richardson allowed five of his apprentices to lodge in his home.[21] Elizabeth had six children (five daughters and one son)
with Richardson; four of their daughters, Mary, Martha, Anne, and Sarah,
reached adulthood and survived their father.[22] Their son, also a Samuel, was born in 1739, but soon
died in 1740.[22]
In 1733, Richardson was granted a contract with the House of Commons, with help
from Osnlo, to print the Journals of the House. [20] The twenty six volumes of the work soon improved his
business.[21] Later in 1733, he wrote The Apprentice’s Vade Mecum,
urging young men like himself to be diligent and self-denying.[23] The work was intended to "create the perfect
apprentice".[23] Written in response to the "epidemick Evils of the
present Age", the text is best known for its condemnation of popular forms
of entertainment including theatres, taverns and gambling.[24]
The manual targets the apprentice as the focal point for the moral improvement
of society, not because he is most susceptible to vice, but because, Richardson
suggests, he is more responsive to moral improvement than his social betters.[25]
During this time, Richardson took on five more apprentices: Thomas Verren (1
August 1732), Richard Smith (6 February 1733), Matthew Stimson (7 August 1733),
Bethell Wellington (7 May 1734), and Daniel Green (1 October 1734).[17] His total staff during the 1730s numbered 7, as his first
three apprentices were free by 1728, and two of his apprentices, Verren and
Smith, died soon into their apprenticeship.[17] The loss of Verren was particularly devastating to
Richardson because Verren was his nephew and his hope for a male heir that
would take over the press.[26]
[edit] First novel
Work continued to improve, and Richardson printed the Daily Journal
between 1736 and 1737, and the Daily Gazetteer in 1738.[22] During his time printing the Daily Journal, he
was also printer to the "Society for the Encouragement of Learning",
a group that tried to help authors become independent from publishers, but
collapsed soon after.[22] In December 1738, Richardson's printing business was
successful enough to allow him to lease a house in Fulham.[21] This house, which would be Richardson's residence from
1739 to 1754, was later named "The Grange" in 1836.[27]
In 1739, Richardson was asked by his friends Charles Rivington and John Osborn
to write "a little volume of Letters, in a common style, on such subjects
as might be of use to those country readers, who were unable to indite for
themselves".[28]
While writing this volume, Richardson was inspired to write his first novel.[29]
Title page of Pamela
Richardson transitioned from a master printer in Salisbury Court to
novelist on 6 November 1740 with the publication of Pamela: Or, Virtue Rewarded.[30] Pamela was sometimes regarded as "the first
English novel".[30] Richardson explained the origins of the work when he
said:
"In the progress of [Rivington's and Osborn's
collection], writing two or three letters to instruct handsome girls, who were
obliged to go out to service, as we phrase it, how to avoid the snares that
might be laid against their virtue, and hence sprung Pamela ... Little
did I think, at first, of making one, much less two volumes of it ... I thought
the story, if written in an easy and natural manner, suitably to the simplicity
of it, might possibly introduce a new species of writing, that might possibly
turn young people into a course of reading different from the pomp and parade
of romance-writing, and dismissing the improbable and marvellous, with which
novels generally abound, might tend to promote the cause of religion and
virtue."[31]
After Richardson started the work on 10 November 1739, his wife and her
friends became so interested in the story that he finished it on 10 January
1740.[32]
Pamela Andrews, the heroine of Pamela, represented "Richardson's
insistence upon well-defined feminine roles" and was part of a common fear
held during the 18th century that women were "too bold".[33]
In particular, her "zeal for housewifery" was included as a proper
role of women in society.[34]
Although Pamela and the title heroine were popular and gave a proper
model for how women should act, they inspired "a storm of
anti-Pamelas" (like Henry Fielding's Shamela and Joseph
Andrews) because the character "perfectly played her part".[35]
Later that year, Richardson printed Rivington and Osborn's book which
inspired Pamela under the title of Letters written to and for
particular Friends, on the most important Occasions. Directing not only the
requisite Style and Forms to be observed in writing Familiar Letters; but
how to think and act justly and prudently, in the common Concerns of Human Life.[29] The book contained many anecdotes and lessons on how to
live, but Richardson did not care for the work and it was never expanded even
though it went into six editions during his life.[36] He went so far as to tell a friend, "This volume of
letters is not worthy of your perusal" because they were "intended
for the lower classes of people".[36]
In September 1741, a sequel of Pamela called Pamela's Conduct in
High Life was published by Ward and Chandler.[37]
Although the work lacks the literary merits of the original, Richardson was
compelled to publish two more volumes in December 1741 to tell of further
exploits of Pamela, the title heroine, while "in her Exalted
Condition".[38] The public's interest in the characters was waning, and
this was only furthered by Richardson's focusing on Pamela discussing morality,
literature, and philosophy.[38]
[edit] Later career
After the failures of the Pamela sequels, Richardson began to
compose a new novel.[39] It was not until early 1744 that the content of the
information was known, and this happened when he sent John Hill two chapters to read.[39] In particular, Richardson asked Hill if he could help
shorten the chapters because Richardson was worried about the length of the
novel.[39] Hill refused, saying,
"You have formed a style, as much your
property as our respect for what you write is, where verbosity becomes a
virtue; because, in pictures which you draw with such a skilful negligence,
redundance but conveys resemblance; and to contract the strokes, would be to
spoil the likeness."[40]
Title page of Clarissa
In July, Richardson sent Hill a complete "design" of the story,
and asked Hill to try again, but Hill responded, "It is impossible, after
the wonders you have shown in Pamela, to question your infallible
success in this new, natural, attempt" and that "you must give me
leave to be astonished, when you tell me that you have finished it
already".[41] However, the novel wasn't complete to Richardson's satisfaction
until October 1746.[41] Between 1744 and 1746, Richardson tried to find readers
who could help him shorten the work, but his readers wanted to keep the work in
its entirety.[41] A frustrated Richardson wrote to Edward
Young in November 1747:
"What contentions, what disputes have I
involved myself in with my poor Clarissa through my own diffidence, and for
want of a will! I wish I had never consulted anybody but Dr. Young, who so
kindly vouchsafed me his ear, and sometimes his opinion."[42]
Richardson did not devote all of his time just to working on his new novel,
but was busy printing various works for other authors that he knew.[43] In 1742, he printed the third edition of Daniel
Defoe's Tour through Great Britain. He filled his new few years with
smaller works for his friends until 1748, when Richardson started helping Sarah
Fielding and her friend, Jane Collier to write novels.[44][45]
By 1748, Richardson was so impressed with Collier that he accepted her as the
governess to his daughters.[46]
In 1753, she wrote An Essay on the Art of
Ingeniously Tormenting with the help of Sarah Fielding and possibly
James Harris or Samuel Richardson[47], and it was Richardson who printed the work.[48]
But Collier was not the only author to be helped by Richardson, as he printed
an edition of Young's Night Thoughts in 1749.[43]
His novel, Clarissa, was finally printed in its seven volumes by
1748: two volumes in November 1747, two in April 1748, and three in December
1748.[49] Unlike the novel, the author was not doing as well as
the work.[50] By August 1748, Richardson was in poor health.[51] He had a sparse vegetarian diet that consisted mostly
of vegetables and drinking vasts amount of water, which was not robust enough
to prevent the effects of being bled upon the advice of various doctors
throughout his life.[51] He was known for "vague 'startings' and
'paroxysms'", along with experiencing tremors, as he started to degenerate
in his old age.[50] Richardson once wrote to a friend that "my nervous
disorders will permit me to write with more impunity than to read" and
that writing allowed him a "freedom he could find nowhere else".[52]
Portrait of
Richardson from 1750s by Mason Chamberlin
However, his condition did not stop him from continuing to release the
final volumes Clarissa after November 1748.[49] To Hill he wrote: "The Whole will make Seven; that
is, one more to attend these two. Eight crouded into Seven, by a smaller Type.
Ashamed as I am of the Prolixity, I thought I owed the Public Eight Vols. in
Quantity for the Price of Seven"[49] Richardson later made it up to the public with
"deferred Restorations" of the fourth edition of the novel being
printed in larger print with eight volumes and a preface that reads: "It
is proper to observe with regard to the present Edition that it has been
thought fit to restore many Passages, and several Letters which were omitted in
the former merely for shortening-sake."[49]
The response to the novel was positive, and the public began to describe
the title heroine as "divine Clarissa".[53]
It was soon considered Richardson's "masterpiece" and his greatest
work.[54]
There was particular emphasis on Richardson's "natural creativity"
and his ability to incorporate daily life experience into the novel.[55]
However, the final three volumes were delayed, and many of the readers began to
"anticipate" the concluding story and some demanded that Richardson
write a happy ending.[56]
One such advocate of the happy ending was Henry Fielding, who previous wrote Joseph
Andrews to mock Richardson's Pamela.[57] Although Fielding was originally opposed to Richardson,
Fielding supported the original volumes of Clarissa and thought a happy
ending would be "poetical justice".[57]
Others wanted Lovelace to be reformed and for Clarissa and he to become
married, but Richardson would not allow a "reformed rake" to be her
husband, and was unwilling to change the ending.[58]
In a postscript to Clarissa, Richardson wrote:
"if the temporary sufferings of the Virtuous
and the Good can be accounted for and justified on Pagan principles, many more
and infinitely stronger reasons will occur to a Christian Reader in behalf of
what are called unhappy Catastrophes, from a consideration of the doctrine of future
rewards; which is every where strongly enforced in the History of Clarissa."[59]
Although few were bothered by the epistolary style, Richardson feels
obligated to continue his postscript with a defense of the form based on the
success of it in Pamela.[59]
Title page of Gradison
However, some did question the propriety of having Lovelace, the villain of
the novel, act in such an immoral fashion.[60] The novel avoids glorifying Lovelace, as Carol Flyn
puts it,
"by damning his character with monitory
footnotes and authorial intrusions, Richardson was free to develop in his
fiction his villain's fantasy world. Schemes of mass rape would be legitimate
as long as Richardson emphasized the negative aspects of his character at the
same time."[61]
But Richardson still felt the need to respond by writing a pamphlet called Answer
to the Letter of a Very Reverend and Worthy Gentleman.[60] In the pamphlet defends his characterizations and
explains that he took great pains to avoid any glorification of scandelous
behaviour unlike many others that rely on characters of such low quality.[60]
In 1749, Richardson's female friends started asking him to create a male
figure as virtuous as his heroines "Pamela" and "Clarissa"
in order to "give the world his idea of a good man and fine gentleman
combined".[62]
Although he did not at first agree, he was pressured to this end in June 1750
and he complied.[63]
Near the end of 1751, Richardson sent a draft of the novel The History of Sir Charles Grandison
to Mrs Donnellan, and the novel was being finalized in the middle of 1752.[64]
When the novel was being printed in 1753, Richardson discovered that Irish
printers were trying to pirate the work.[65] He immediately fired those he suspected as giving the
printers advanced copies of Grandison and relied on multiple London printing
firms to help him produce an authentic edition before the pirated version was
sold.[65] The first four volumes were published on 13 November
1753, and in December the next two would follow.[66]
The remaining volume was published in March to complete a seven volume series while
a six volume set was simultaneously published, and these were met with success.[67]
In Grandison, Richardson was unwilling to risk having a negative
response to any "rakish" characteristics that Lovelace embodied and
degraded any of his immoral characters "to show those mischievous young
admirers of Lovelace once and for all that the rake should be avoided".[68]
[edit] Death
Bust of
Richardson
In his final years, Richardson received visits from Archbishop
Secker,other important political figures, and many London writers.[69] By that time, he enjoyed a high social position and was
Master of the Stationers' Company.[69] In early November 1754, Richardson and his family moved
from the Grange to a home at Parson's Green.[70]
It was during this time that Richardson received a letter from Samuel
Johnson asking for money to pay for a debt that Johnson was unable to
afford.[71] On 16 March 1756, Richardson responded with more than
enough money, and their friendly was certain by this time.[71]
Besides associating with important figures of the day, Richardson's career
began to conclude.[72] Grandison was his final novel, and he stopped
writing fiction afterwards.[72] However, he was continually prompted by various friends
and admirers to continue to write along with suggested topics.[72] Richardson did not like any of the topics, and chose to
spend all of his time composing letters to his friends and associates.[72] The only major work that Richardson would write would
be A Collection of the Moral and Instruction Sentiments, Maxims, Cautions,
and Reflexions, contained in the Histories of Pamela, Clarissa, and Sir Charles
Grandison.[73] Although it is possible that this work was inspired by
Johnson asking for an "index rerum" for Richardson's novels, the Collection
contains more of a focus on "moral and instructive" lessons than the
index that Johnson was seeking.[73]
After June 1758, Richardson began to suffer from insomnia, and in June
1761, he was afflicted with apoplexy.[74]
This moment was described by his friend, Miss Talbot, on 2 July 1761:
"Poor Mr. Richardson was seized on Sunday
evening with a most severe paralytic stroke.... It sits pleasantly upon my
mind, that the last morning we spent together was particularly friendly, and
quiet, and comfortable. It was the 28th of May - he looked then so well! One
has long apprehended some stroke of this kind; the disease made its gradual
approaches by that heaviness which clouded the cheerfulness of his
conversation, that used to be so lively and so instructive; by the encreased
tremblings which unfitted that hand so peculiarly formed to guide the pen; and
by, perhaps, the querulousness of temper, most certainly not natural to so
sweet and so enlarged a mind, which you and I have lately lamented, as making
his family at times not so comfortable as his principles, his study, and his
delight to diffuse happiness, whereever he could, would otherwise have done"[75]
Two days later, 4 July 1761, Richardson died at Parson's Green and buried
at St. Bride's church near his first wife Martha.[76]
During Richardson's life, his printing press produced nearly five hundred
different books.[77] He wanted to keep the press in his family, but after
the death of his four sons and a nephew, his printing press would be left in
his will to his only surviving male heir, a second nephew.[78] This happened to be a nephew that Richardson did not
trust and Richardson doubted his nephew's abilities as a printer.[78] Richardson's fears proved to be warranted for after his
death, the press stopped producing quality works and eventually stopped
printing all together.[78] Richardson owned copyrights to most of his works, and
these were sold after his death.[79] They were sold in twenty-fourth shares, with Clarissa
bringing in 25 pounds each, Grandison bringing in 20 pounds each, and Pamela,
which only had sixteenth shares sold, received 18 pounds each.[79]
[edit] Epistolary novel
Richardson was a skilled letter writer and his talent traces back to his
childhood.[7] Throughout his whole life, he would constantly write to
his various associates.[72] Richardson had a "faith" in the act of letter
writing, and believed that letters could be used to accurately portray
character traits.[80] He quickly adopted the epistolary
novel form, which granted him "the tools, the space, and the freedom
to develop distinctly difference characters speaking directly to the
reader".[80] The characters of Pamela, Clarissa, and Grandison
are revealed in a personal way, with the first two using the epistolary form
for "dramatic" purposes, and the last for "celebratory"
purposes.[81]
In his first novel, Pamela, he explored the various complexities of
the title character's life, and the letters allow the reader to witness her
develop and progress over time.[82]
The novel was an experiment, but it allowed Richardson to create a complex
heroin through a series of her letters.[83]
When Richardson wrote Clarissa, he had more experience in the form and
expanded the letter writing to four different correspondents, which created a
complex system of characters encouraging each other to grow and develop over
time.[84]
However, the villain of the story, Lovelace, is also involved in the letter writing,
and this leads to tragedy.[85]
Leo Braudy described the benefits epistolary form of Clarissa as,
"Language can work: letters can be ways to communicate and justify".[86]
By the time Richardson writes Grandison, he transforms the letter
writing from telling of personal insights and explaining feelings into a means
for people to communicate their thoughts on the actions of others and for the
public to celebrate virtue.[87]
The letters are no longer written for a few people, but are passed along in
order for all to see.[88]
[edit] References
[edit] Notes
- ^
a b c d
Dobson p. 1
- ^ Dobson p. 1-2
- ^
a b c
Dobson p. 2
- ^
Dobson p. 3
- ^ Hunt, Leigh. London Journal
Supplement No 2, 1834
- ^
a b c
Dobson p. 4
- ^
a b c d e
Dobson p. 5
- ^
a b c
Dobson p. 6
- ^
a b c d
Dobson p. 7
- ^ a b c Sale p. 7
- ^
Dobson p. 8-9
- ^ Dobson p. 9
- ^ a b c Sale p. 8
- ^
Dobson p. 10
- ^ Sale
p. 9
- ^ Sale p. 15
- ^
a b c Sale p. 351
- ^ Dobson p. 12
- ^
Dobson p. 13
- ^ a b Dobson p. 14
- ^ a b c Sale p. 11
- ^ a b c d
Dobson p. 15
- ^ a b Flynn p. 6
- ^ Flynn p. 7
- ^ Flynn p. 8
- ^ Sale p. 18
- ^ Dobson p. 17
- ^ Dobson p. 18
- ^ a b
Dobson p. 19
- ^ a b Sale p. 1
- ^ Dobson p. 26
- ^ Dobson p. 27
- ^ Flynn p. 56
- ^ Flynn p. 67
- ^ Flynn p. 136
- ^ a b Dobson p. 25
- ^ Dobson p. 38
- ^ a b Dobson p. 39
- ^ a b c Dobson p. 73
- ^ Dobson p. 73-74
- ^ a b c Dobson p. 74
- ^ Dobson p. 75
- ^ a b
Dobson p. 77
- ^ Letter from Collier to Richardson 4
October 1748
- ^
Sabor p. 150
- ^ Rizzo p. 45
- ^
Rizzo p. 46
- ^ Sabor p. 151
- ^ a b c d
Dobson p. 83
- ^ a b
Dobson p. 82
- ^ a b
Dobson p. 81
- ^ Flynn p. 287
- ^ Dobson p. 86
- ^ Dobson p. 94
- ^ Flynn p. 286
- ^ Dobson p.
95-96
- ^ a b
Dobson p. 96
- ^ Dobson p. 97
- ^ a b
Dobson p. 99
- ^ a b c
Dobson p. 101
- ^ Flynn p. 230
- ^ Dobson p.
141-142
- ^ Dobson p. 142
- ^ Dobson p. 144
- ^
a b
Sale p. 26
- ^ Dobson p. 145
- ^ Dobson p. 146
- ^ Flynn p. 231
- ^ a b
Dobson p. 170
- ^ Dobson p. 170
- ^ a b
Dobson p. 177
- ^ a b c d e
Dobson p. 178
- ^ a b
Dobson p. 183
- ^ Dobson p. 186
- ^ Dobson p.
186-187
- ^
Dobson p. 187
- ^ Sale
p. 3
- ^ a b c Sale p. 2
- ^ a b Sale p. 90
- ^ a b Flynn p. 235
- ^ Flynn p. 236
- ^ Flynn p. 237
- ^ Flynn p. 239
- ^ Flynn p. 243
- ^ Flynn p. 245
- ^ Braudy p. 203
- ^ Flynn p. 258
- ^ Flynn p. 259
[edit] Bibliography
- Braudy, Leo. "Penetration and
Impenetrability in Clarissa," New Approaches to
Eighteenth-Century Literature: Selected Papers from the English Institute
edited by Philip Harth. New York: Columbia University Press, 1974.
- Dobson, Austin. Samuel Richardson.
Honolulu: University Press of the Pacific, 2003.
- Flynn, Carol. Samuel Richardson: A Man of
Letters. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982.
- Rizzo, Betty. Companions Without Vows:
Relationships Among Eighteenth-Century British Women. Athens, Georgia:
University of Georgia Press, 1994. 439 pp.
- Sale, William M. Samuel Richardson: Master
Printer. Ithica, N. Y.:Cornell University Press, 1950.
- Sabor, Peter. "Richardson, Henry
Fielding, and Sarah Fielding", in The Cambridge companion to
English literature from 1740 to 1830 edited by Thomas Keymer and Jon
Mee, 139–156. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004.
[edit] External links
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