Some New Perspectives on Sound Change

 

 

What is more common in language uniformity or variability?

Language is continuously changing.[…] Change seems to be inherent in the nature of language.

Languages are never uniform entities, in Milroy's words, "at any given time a language is variable"

On the other hand the idea that language is static takes place in the roots of theory.

 

What kinds of variability exist?

There are different kinds of variability like registers (formal or informal), dialects (geographical variability), social factors (vocabulary used by different agents) or historical factors (diachronic).

 

How do we decide if a particular group of speakers belong to a particular dialect or language?

We decide that fact basing on historical and geographical factors and the most important ones as economical and political notions.

 

Saussure emphasized the importance of synchronic descriptions of languages rather than diachronic. He and is disciples (structuralists) focused on language at different periods as finite entities. Is this reasonable?

I think that is unreasonable because we should consider that languages, as we said above, are variable (they are changing while I’m writing these answers…). We have to study this point if we want to obtain a general view, or a specific one, of the evolutional process of language.

On the other hand the synchronic descriptions just take as reference a particular period of time, for example the Victorian époque.  

 

The unattested states of language were seen as transitional stages in which the structure of a language was, as it were, disturbed. This made linguistic change look abnormal. Is it abnormal?

It isn’t abnormal. Language is another grade of evolution; it changes as we said, and those changes do not mean a “disturbed structure”. Language is the most powerful tool that is capable to adapt to us. At the same time that we change, language does the same. It is inevitable.

 

 

Milroy (1992: 3) says “the equation of uniformity with structuredness or regularity is most evident in popular (non-professional) attitudes to language: one variety –usually a standard language – is considered to be correct and regular, and others –usually ‘non-standard’ dialects – are thought to be incorrect, irregular, ungrammatical and deviant. Furthermore, linguistic changes in progress are commonly perceived as ‘errors’. Thus although everyone knows that language is variable, many people believe that invariance is nonetheless to be desired, and professional scholars of language have not been immune to the consequences of these same beliefs.”

 

Can you think of any example of non-professional attitudes to your own language?

It is obvious that Spanish is one of the global languages; you can speak Spanish in Europe and in South America. And, however, people use different expressions to say the same, etc.

But closer we have other examples like people in Andalucía have a different pronunciation:

·    Casa **/´kaza/(to lisp)  or sentado **/sen´tao/(ellipsis)

·    The use of “la” instead of “le” (laísmo): **“La he corregido” / “Le he corregido

 

Also people in Asturias have a different entonation for example.

 

Why does Milroy use “scare quotes” around non-standard and errors?

Because he is writing a different thing that he is thinking about. He writes ironically. He knows that he is wrong or just it is not true.

 

Are non-standard dialects “incorrect, irregular, ungrammatical and deviant.”?

Firstly, we have to reflect on what we understand as incorrect or deviant dialect. Those dialects are not standardised, that’s all. They are representing the differences that exist geographically which obviously become reflected in the use of language or the economical position.  Also, when we segment population into various groups taking as reference their jargon or slang do not mean that those are deviant or incorrect. If they can establish the act of communication those non-standard dialects are useful and for extension correct.

 

Which of these systems is more irregular? Why?

 

Myself

Yourself

Himself

Herself

Ourselves

Themselves

Myself

Yourself

Hisself

Herself

Ourselves

Theirselves

 

While in one hand we could consider that the second column(non-standard) is more “regular” because we can take as reference the possessive adjectives (my, your, his, her, and so on) it isn’t considered  standard; **“hisself” and **“theirselves” are not commonly used because they are not correct in grammatical terms. The first column (standard) is considered as normative.

 

“… much of the change generally accepted body of knowledge on which theories of change are based depends on quite narrow interpretations of written data and contextualized citation forms (whether written or spoken), rather than on observation of spoken language in context (situated speech). (Milroy 1992: 5) Why do you think this is so?

Because we must consider that the basis of our theories are on written data and a contextualized citation forms as Milroy said. I mean, the history of language comes from the history of a spoken language, before all handwriting didn’t exist (imagine the primary sounds of our ancestors). Also, if you have read exercise about non-professional attitudes, we can observe that everyone or a community has their own personal speech patterns. We can find difficulties when we interpret the changes that occur in speech; and because of this, theories are generally based on decontextualized language.

 

Any description of a language involves norms? Think of the descriptions of your own language. Why is this so? For example: He ate the pie already is considered to be non-standard in which variety of English and perfectly acceptable in which other?

Many linguistics or, better yet, theoretic try to fix rules and norms, that’s all. If you don’t talk like they want you to do it you’re wrong. I have to add that poetry use a figure of speech, hyperbaton (words that naturally belong together are separated from each other for emphasis or effect) and that kind of unnatural separation is possible and acceptable.

In colloquial contexts occur the same, people “change” the rules. The phrase “he ate the pie already” could be acceptable in colloquial speech, however, in a more formal, academic context, we will say “he has already eaten the pie”. Received Pronunciation (RP)

 

 

What is the difference between descriptive and prescriptive grammars?

Descriptive Grammar:

A descriptive grammar looks at the way a language is actually used by its speakers and then attempts to analyse it and formulate rules about the structure. Descriptive grammar does not deal with what is good or bad language use; forms and structures that might not be used by speakers of Standard English would be regarded as valid and included. It is a grammar based on the way a language actually is and not how some think it should be.

 http://www.usingenglish.com/glossary/descriptive-grammar.html

Prescriptive Grammar:

A prescriptive grammar lays out rules about the structure of a language. Unlike a descriptive grammar it deals with what the grammarian believes to be right and wrong, good or bad language use; not following the rules will generate incorrect language.

 http://www.usingenglish.com/glossary/prescriptive-grammar.html

 

Weinreich, Labov and Herzog’s (1968) empirical foundations of language change:

 

Constraints: what changes are possible and what are not

Embedding: how change spreads from a central point through a speech community

Evaluation: social responses to language change (prestige overt and covert attitudes to language, linguistic stereotyping and notions on correctness).

Transition: “the intervening stages which can be observed, or which must be posited, between any two forms of  a language defined for a language community at different times” Weinreich, Labov and Herzog 1968: 101)

Actuation: Why particular changes take place at a particular time.

 

 

What do you think the “prestige motivation for change” and the “solidarity constraint” mean? How are they opposed?

The first concept refers to the way in which we assess our language and if the rest are capable to speak it “properly”. It is related to the status quo, depending on the social class people use a special kind of words or expressions. We are “able” to stereotype other people who use a different terminology than us, terminology that we consider deviant.

The solidarity constraint, language varies depending on the social context in which we find ourselves. We do not use the same terminology in all the contexts or with the same people (it is not the same talking to your parents-apparently respectfully-that talking with friends). We tend to imitate others to feel ourselves accepted in a speech community, modifying our language.

Definitely “prestige motivation for change” and “solidarity constraint” are opposed.

 

Sound change: post-vocalic /r/ in New York/ The change from long ā to ō in some dialects of English.

 

 

Many of us who speak English as a native language pronounce words like darling, far, bore or near the same as we write them: with vowel followed by r in the same syllable. But there are many other English speakers who do not pronounce the r - sound in this place (called ‘postvocalic r’) - although they have the sound everywhere else, like at the beginning of a word. Linguists use the classy terms rhotic and non-rhotic for these two pronunciations.

In some people’s speech this ‘dropped’ r reappears when the word is followed by a vowel, so you sometimes hear nevah but never again. Such speakers occasionally go on to insert an r where it doesn’t belong, and say sofa but sofer and chair .

Looked at geographically, American speakers who most commonly drop the r (in what follows we’ll occasionally call this the ‘r-less’ pronunciation) are those from Eastern New England and parts of the South, particularly the coastal area where the old ‘plantation’ culture once existed. It is also part of Black English Vernacular speech. Until recently, dropping the r was part of New York speech as well, though more and more New Yorkers seem to be perceiving it as ‘vulgar’ and avoiding this pronunciation. Even though there is no officially recognized ’standard’ English in the U.S., ‘r-speakers’ are clearly an overwhelming majority, something you hear reflected in the mass media.

British speakers today whose speech is closest to standard British English (called ‘Received Pronunciation’) do not pronounce r after vowel. Postvocalic r was still regularly pronounced in English speech back in Elizabethan times, and it was around that time (l6th century) that the ‘r-less’ pronunciation started spreading across much of England. It did not spread as far as Ireland and Scotland, which is why we hear the ‘r’ pronunciation from the Irish and the Scots today. Many of the original immigrants to the colonies were from Scotland and Ireland, although at the time of settlement most English speakers were still pronouncing r after vowel too.

 http://www.pbs.org/speak/seatosea/americanvarieties/southern/dahling

The change from long ā to ō in some dialects of English.

The father-bother merger is a merger of the Early Modern English vowels  /ɑː/ and /ɒ/ that occurs in almost all varieties of North American English (exceptions are accents in northeastern New England, such as the Boston accent, and in New York City). In those accents with the merger father and bother rhyme, and Kahn and con are homophonous as [kɑn]. Unrounding of EME /ɒ/ is found also in Norwich, the West Country, the West Midlands and in Hiberno-English, but apparently with no phonemic merger. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Phonological_history_of_English_low_back_vowels#Father.E2.80.93bother_merger

 

 

Actuation: Why did /k/ palatalize before certain front vowels? PrsE: cheese, German käse English/Norse doublets shirt/skirt?

The place and degree of palatization varied in order to differentiate the meaning between the word doublets.

 

What is the biological metaphor in language change?

 

Biological metaphor analyses the real communicative contexts in which the more extended analogy of ‘evolution’ occurs and emphasizes three specific pragmatic sub-functions, i.e., descriptive and explanatory function, definitional function, and evaluative and critical interpretative function.

http://www.aitla.unimo.it/VII_Congresso_Milano_22-02-07/abstracts_pdf/stucchi.pdf

Languages keep developing to adapt themselves to the speakers’ necessities. Every new generation create new words and uses different ones than other generations.

What is the difference between internal and external histories of a language?

 

Internal is the change caused by structural requirements of the language, or it does not in which case one speaks of externally motivated change.

Internally motivated change usually leads to balance in the system, the removal of marked elements, the analogical spread of regular forms or the like. As language consists of various modules on various levels, a change in one quarter may lead to an imbalance in another and provoke a further change.

With the current kind of change the available structure of the language plays an important role. For instance English has maintained a distinction in voice among interdental fricatives as seen in teeth /ti/ and teethe /ti:ð/ although the functional load is very slight.

http://www.uni-due.de/SHE/HE_InternalExternal.htm

 

Look up Neogrammarians and lexical diffusion. Why are they often found in the same paragraph or chapter?

 

 They are found in the same paragraph or chapter because the theory of lexical diffusion stands in contrast to the Neogrammarian hypothesis that a given sound change applies simultaneously to all words in which its context is found. Note: This page contains IPA phonetic symbols in Unicode. ... The Neogrammarians (also Young Grammarians, German Junggrammatiker) were a German school of linguists, originally at the University of Leipzig, in the late 19th century who proposed the Neogrammarian hypothesis of the regularity of sound change. ...

In historical linguistics, lexical diffusion is both a phenomenon and a theory. The phenomenon is that by which a phoneme is modified in a subset of the lexicon, and spreads gradually to other lexical items.. Historical linguistics (also diachronic linguistics or comparative linguistics) is primarily the study of the ways in which languages change over time. [...] The English language is a West Germanic language that originates in England. [...]

http://www.nationmaster.com/encyclopedia/Lexical-diffusion

 

 

Look up social norm-enforcement, childish errors and slips of the tongue. What have they to do with language change?

The social norm is the rules that a group uses for appropriate and inappropriate values, beliefs, attitudes and behaviours. These rules may be explicit or implicit.

Failure to stick to the rules can result in severe punishments, the most feared of which is exclusion from the group. A common rule is that the some norms must frequently be displayed; neutrality is seldom an option.

http://changingminds.org/explanations/theories/social_norms.htm

The childish’ errors in language, we can mention that children make mistakes because their language formation is not all completed, they need more information, they need to learn more. As I say, everything is possible with the time. So, for example, a child can not know that there are irregular verbs and he/she uses an /–ed/  instead of the right form: “I eated two apples”.

http://www.nyu.edu/gsas/dept/lingu/events/lanyu_fora/2004fall/KarenKirkeNYUabstract.pdf

The slips on the tongue is an accidental and usually trivial mistake in speaking

http://www.thefreedictionary.com/slip+of+the+tongue