1.-What is more common in language uniformity or variability?

One of the most important facts about human language is that it is continuously changing. Everyone knows that languages have changed in the course of the history.

At this very moment changes are being implemented and diffused: old varieties are dying out and new varieties are springing up; pronunciations are changing, new words and constructions are being adopted and old ones adapted to new uses. Sometimes change is rapid, and sometimes is slow, and at any given time some linguistic structures are changing while others remain stable. Indeed, change seems to be inherent in the nature of language: there is no such thing as a perfectly stable human language.

 

2.-What kinds of variability exist?

Languages are never uniform entities; they can be observed to vary geographically and socially, and according to the situational contexts in which they are used.

 

3.-How do we decide if a particular group of speakers belong to a particular dialect or language?

We care to look at a language, or dialect, it is variable and in a state of change. We may ignore this and treat language for descriptive purposes as if it were a uniform and unchanging phenomenon, and there are often good practical reasons for adopting this convenient idealization. For instance, we may want to write a grammar of English for the use of foreign learners, and it will be more helpful to our readers if we focus on what is constant rather than what is changing.

 

4.-Saussure emphasized the importance of synchronic descriptions of languages rather than diachronic. He and his disciples (structuralists) focused on language at different periods as finite entities. Is this reasonable?

 

 

5.-The unattested states of language were seen as transitional stages in which the structure of a language was, as it were, disturbed. This made linguistic change look abnormal. Is it abnormal?

If linguistic change were an abnormal state of affairs, this would not be an unreasonable way to look at language: change could then be seen as something that strikes a language from time to time like a disease. We could talk of healthy languages (where everything holds together) and sick languages (where it does not). But this is not how things are: no real language state is a perfectly balanced and stable structure, linguistic change is always in progress, and all dialects are transitional dialects.

 

6.-Milroy (1992: 3) says “the equation of uniformity with structuredness or regularity is most evident in popular (non-professional) attitudes to language: one variety –usually a standard language – is considered to be correct and regular, and others –usually ‘non-standard’ dialects – are thought to be incorrect, irregular, ungrammatical and deviant. Furthermore, linguistic changes in progress are commonly perceived as ‘errors’. Thus although everyone knows that language is variable, many people believe that invariance is nonetheless to be desired, and professional scholars of language have not been immune to the consequences of these same beliefs.”

Can you think of any example of non-professional attitudes to your own language?

In Spanish we can find examples like:

“me se cayó”, “me dijo de que…”, “he decidio…”

 

7.-Why does Milroy use “scare quotes” around non-standard and errors?

Because he is writing what he wants to explain but it isn’t his real opinion.

 

 

8.-Are non-standard dialects “incorrect, irregular, ungrammatical and deviant.”?

Uniform states of language are idealizations and that variable states are normal; furthermore, variation in language may itself be structured and regular. Languages are not in reality completely stable or uniform, and there is absolutely no reason why they should be.

 

9.-Which of these systems is more irregular? Why?

 

Myself

Yourself

Himself

Herself

Ourselves

Themselves

Myself

Yourself

Hisself

Herself

Ourselves

Theirselves

 

The second column is more irregular and we use more the first one. When I say “we” I mean not English speakers. But for them, the second column it can be also used.

 

10.-“… much of the change generally accepted body of knowledge on which theories of change are based depends on quite narrow interpretations of written data and contextualized citation forms (whether written or spoken), rather than on observation of spoken language in context (situated speech). (Milroy 1992: 5) Why do you think this is so?

“The drama of the linguistic change”, according to Wyld, “is enacted neither in manuscripts nor inscriptions, but in the mouths and minds of men”, and historical linguists have generally insisted that the history of language is primarily the history of spoken language. Traditionally, however, it was not possible to follow this out very thoroughly because investigators did not have the technology to study spoken discourse in extenso, and could hardly have imagined how complex the patterning of spoken interaction in situational contexts would would actually turn out to be when it did become possible to analyse it.

 

11.-Any description of a language involves norms? Think of the descriptions of your own language. Why is this so? For example: He ate the pie already is considered to be non-standard in which variety of English and perfectly acceptable in which other?

Most language description involves norms.

In my own language there are norms like in grammar, pronunciation, orthographic…

The example given in the question below is correct in southern English variety but it is barely acceptable in British English in England and Wales. And it would be incorrect in American, Irish and Scottish English.

 

12.-What is the difference between descriptive and prescriptive grammars?

Prescriptive appeal to some idealized superordinate norm which is part of the “standard” or literary language, rather than a consensus community norm, but although they are not enunciated as social, they are social judgements.

 

Weinreich, Labov and Herzog’s (1968) empirical foundations of language change:

 

Constraints: what changes are possible and what are not

Embedding: how change spreads from a central point through a speech community

Evaluation: social responses to language change (prestige overt and covert attitudes to language, linguistic stereotyping and notions on correctness).

Transition: “the intervening stages which can be observed, or which must be posited, between any two forms of  a language defined for a language community at different times” Weinreich, Labov and Herzog 1968: 101)

Actuation: Why particular changes take place at a particular time.

13.-What do you think the “prestige motivation for change” and the “solidarity constraint” mean? How are they opposed?

 

 

14.-Sound change: post-vocalic /r/ in New York/ The change from long āto ōin some dialects of English.

 

 

15.-Actuation: Why did /k/ palatalize before certain front vowels? PrsE: cheese, German käse English/Norse doublets shirt/skirt?

 

 

16.-What is the biological metaphor in language change?

 

 

17.-What is the difference between internal and external histories of a language?

 

 

18.-Look up Neogrammarians and lexical diffusion. Why are they often found in the same paragraph or chapter?

 

19.-Look up social norm-enforcement, childish errors and slips of the tongue. What have they to do with language change?