History of LinguisticAnalysis (ORIGINS OF GGT)
Throughout history individuals have tried to describe their own languages in ways that make the workings of these languages appear more meaningful and orderly. Panini, a 5th-century BC Indian grammarian, described the sounds and construction of sentences of the Sanskrit language in great detail. The ancient Greeks and Romans were also curious about their languages and wrote grammatical descriptions, frequently from a philosophical or literary point of view. The writings of two Greek grammarians, Dionysius Thrax in the 2nd century BC and Appollonius Dyscolus in the 2nd century AD, strongly influenced the Roman view of language. The works of Donatus, a 4th-century AD Roman, and the 6th-century Latin grammarian Priscian adapted Greek thinking to the Latin language. They had a profound influence on Western thought about language. Until recent times the grammar of Priscian in particular served as a model for the description of medieval and modern European languages, including English. Such concepts as parts of speech (nouns, verbs, and adverbs) and case (nominative, accusative, genitive) stem from Priscian's work. In the late 18th century the English scholar Sir William Jones noticed similarities between Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin. He suggested that the three languages might have developed from a common source. He also discovered that Gothic, Old High German, Old Norse, Old Persian, and Celtic showed similarities to the other three. In the early 19th century the scholars Jacob Grimm, a German, and Rasmus Rask, a Dane, noted that a number of consistent sound correspondences existed between Gothic, Latin, and Greek in words with similar meanings. This technique of comparing words became known as the comparative method. It was used to show that certain languages are related, like siblings, and to help construct parent languages from which the modern languages could have evolved.
In the early 20th century in the United States, a strong interest in discovering and describing native American Indian languages arose. Anthropological linguists analyzed Indian languages in terms that differed radically from those of traditional European grammars. This type of language analysis, known as structural linguistics, was developed by the American linguists Franz Boas, Edward Sapir, Benjamin Lee Whorf, and Leonard Bloomfield, among others. It placed much emphasis on phonetics, phonology, and new grammatical categories, and above all on discovery procedures --the techniques needed to discover the significant sounds and units of meaning of a language.
In the mid-1950s another United States scholar, Noam Chomsky, looked at language in yet another way. Chomsky tried to explain rather than describe languages. He did this by designing a more mathematically precise model of languages, one that tried to generate or predict all the grammatical sentences and rule out all the ungrammatical ones. This type of linguistics has been called transformational, generative,or transformational-generative grammar.
As a starting point Chomsky reasoned that a structural approach to the following sentences would show them to have the same structure even though there is a great difference in their meanings.
John is eager to please. John is easy to please.
In both of these sentences the part of speech of each word is the same, and the main verb, is, has
the same subject, John. But there is another verb in these sentences, to please. In some deep
sense John is the subject of to please in the first sentence but the object of to please in the
second. Chomsky explained the difference in meaning of these sentences by setting up an
underlying, or deep, structure and a surface structure. The underlying structure--which is the
actual meaning of a phrase, or close to it--is changed into the surface structure, or what a person
really says, by a series of rules called transformations. Thus, in the two examples above, the
relation between John and to please is different, but transformations change them both into the
same surface structure. Chomsky also introduced a distinction between competence and
performance. Performance is what a speaker actually says when talking. Competence, on the
other hand, is what a person actually knows about a language, possibly an unconscious
knowledge. In the area of syntax, competence refers to the ability to recognize both grammatical
and ungrammatical word orders. For example, all speakers of English would agree that I am
going to the store is grammatical. They would also agree that To store the am going I is not
proper English even if they can guess what it means. This knowledge is known as competence.
People also have competence to choose between correct and incorrect combinations of sounds.
One result of looking at languages as basic underlying forms, or ideas, that
arreged--transformed--into phrases that people actually say is that languages appear more
similar than they did in structural or traditional grammars. The underlying structures, or
meanings, of different languages may be remarkably alike. This emphasizes the possibility of a
universal grammar; that is, a grammar that is the same for all human languages. Such an idea is
of great interest to psychologists and philosophers.