QUESTIONS ON MILROY
ARTICLE ON SOUND CHANGE
James Milroy:
Some new perspectives on sound change: sociolinguistics and the
Neogrammarians.146-160.
Answer the following questions using
the book and other sources:
1) Why does Milroy
say that sound change appears to have no “obvious function or rational
motivation” (146)?
Because,
as Milroy states, sound change is probably the most mysterious aspect of change
in language. Moreover, he says that in some changes it is impossible to see any
progress or benefit to the language or its speakers – the use of one vowel
sound rather than another is purely arbitrary – there is apparently no profit
no loss.
2) What is/are the
main difference/s between Milroy’s approach and that of the Neogrammarians
(147-148)?
The
late nineteenth-century Neogrammarian movement has its basis on the idea that
sound change is ‘regular’, moreover they believe that sound ‘laws’ have no
exceptions. Furthermore, one important Neogrammarian claim is that regular
sound change is phonetically gradual but lexically abrupt. It is also assumed
that changes affected all relevant items in the same way at the same time.
The
Neogrammarian tendency was to separate languages from their speakers and to
focus on language as an object. However, Milroy’s approaches observe language
in the community, not separating language from its speakers.
Neogrammarians
assumed that linguistic change is best studied by reference to monolingual states;
while Milroy and other scholars have now access to bilingual and multilingual
speech communities, on which cross-language patterns of variation can be
studied. Milroy’s kind of studies focus on localized varieties in regional
speech communities. In theses speech community researches, Milroy is dealing
with highly variable states that do not have clearly defined boundaries.
3) According to
Milroy, what is language change dependent on? (149?)
It
is assumed that a linguistic change is embedded in a context of language (or
dialect) maintenance. The degree to
which change is admitted will depend on the degree of internal cohesion of the
community, and change from outside will be admitted to the extent that there
are large numbers of weak ties with
outsiders.
4) Why does Milroy
say that sound change actually doesn’t exist (150)?
Because, as Milroy states, speech ‘sounds’ so not physically change:
what happens is that in the course of time one sound is substituted for
another.
Speakers of a given dialect gradually and variably begin to use sound X
in environments where speakers formerly used sound Y.
Linguistic change in general is a result of changes in speaker-agreement
on the norms of usage in speech
communities.
5) Why does Milroy
disagree with the Neogrammarians when they say that sound change is “blind”
(150)?
‘Sound
change’ is a social phenomenon in that it comes about because speakers in
conversation bring it about. Languages do not change - it is speakers who
change them. For this reason, Milroy disagree with the Neogrammarians in the
idea of that sound change is “blind”.
6) What is meant
by “lexical diffusion” (151)?
Lexical
diffusion is a socially gradual process and abrupt replacement pattern, and can
be shown to be regular in some sense. In terms of phonetic change, in lexical
diffusion, the new form differs markedly of the original form.
7) What does
dialect displacement mean? Give an example. (152)
Dialect
displacement is the displacement of one dialect by another which is, for some
reason, socially dominant at some particular time. An example, which Milroy
states, is the gradual displacement of heavily inflected West Midland dialects
of Middle English by weakly inflected East Midland dialects.
8) What are
“community” or “vernacular” norms? What term that we have used in class is
similar (152)?
Theses
norms are observed by speakers and maintained by communities often in
opposition to standardizing norms. Thanks to theses norms we can recognize
different dialects of languages. These
norms manifest themselves at different levels of generality; moreover community or vernacular norms can be variable norms – in contrast to standard
norms, which are invariant.
The
similar term we have used in class is geographical
variety, which refers to dialects and accepts them.
9) What does
Milroy mean when he says that h-dropping may not ever reach “completion” (153)?
Milroy
says that a change can persist as a variable state for seven or eight centuries
without ever going to ‘completion’ in the traditional sense. He believes that
the h-dropping will never be considered normative.
10) Explain what
Milroy means by “speaker innovation” and change in the system. How are they
connected (153)?
The
terms innovation and change should reflect a conceptual distinction: an
innovation is an act of the speaker, whereas a change is manifested within the
language system.
For
a speaker-innovation to become a change, it must be adopted by some community.
The adoption of a linguistic change depends at the speaker-level on a process
of borrowing.
11) Why isn’t
borrowing from one language to another and the replacement of one sound by
another through speaker innovation with a language as radically different as
the Neogrammarians posited (154-6)?
It
is possible to argue that each single event of ‘borrowing’ into a new speech
community is just as much an innovation as the presumed original event in the
original speech community. In other words, the distinction between true sound change
and phonological borrowing is poorly motivated.
12) What is
necessary for a sound to spread (157)?
The
spreading of sounds is a social progress; the sounds are passed from speaker to
speaker. The sounds have to assume a social pattern in the community.
13) Why does
believing in the ideology of standardization lead to believing in “blind
necessity” (158)?
From
a sociolinguistic perspective, standard languages are not normal languages.
They are created by the imposition of political and military power; hence the
sound-patterns in them and the changes that come about in these sound patterns
do not come about through blind necessity.
Standard
languages are carefully constructed in order to appear as if they are discrete
linguistic entities – and the ideology of standardization causes people to
believe that they are indeed discrete physical entities – whereas dialects and
languages that have not been standardized have fuzzy boundaries and are
indeterminate.
14) What does
Milroy mean by “clean” and “dirty” data (158)?
Clean data is referred to the
normalized language that is uniform and unilinear. While dirty data is the
result of sociolinguistic investigations, and language is considered irregular
and chaotic.
Standard languages provide the
investigator with relatively clean data, but the vernaculars that we actually
encounter in the speech community are relatively intractable: the data we
encounter is to a greater extent dirty data.
Academic year 2008/2009
© Lorena Levy Ballester
lolevyba@alumni.uv.es
Universitat de València Press