1. What is more common in language uniformity or variability?

 

Variability is more common in language, although it is problematic. People like uniformity.

 

2. What kinds of variability exist?

 

There are different kinds of variability: geographical , social , diagraphical and historical variability.

 

3. How do we decide if a particular group of speakers belong to a particular dialect or language?

 

We decide if a particular group of speakers belong to a particular dialect or language listening to them and focusing on the pronounce words, the verbs tenses they use and mainly, the vocabulary. However, there are some cases which are very difficult to distinguish a language for instance, catalan- valencian. They are two varieties, but the problem is if they are the same language or not. We can decide it using history, academics, etc.

 

4. Saussure emphasized the importance of synchronic descriptions of languages rather than diachronic. He and is disciples (structuralists) focused on language at different periods as finite entities. Is this reasonable?

 

No, that is not reasonable because languages are variable, they constantly change so, it is not a finite entity.

Synchronic descriptions of languages study the language on a particular period of time; and diachronic descriptions of languages study the change of the language on the time.

 

 

5. The unattested states of language were seen as transitional stages in which the structure of a language was, as it were, disturbed. This made linguistic change look abnormal. Is it abnormal?

 

Linguistic change is not abnormal. Languages constantly change and progress in order to adapt to new situations, stages.

 

Milroy (1992: 3) says “the equation of uniformity with structuredness or regularity is most evident in popular (non-professional) attitudes to language: one variety –usually a standard language – is considered to be correct and regular, and others –usually ‘non-standard’ dialects – are thought to be incorrect, irregular, ungrammatical and deviant. Furthermore, linguistic changes in progress are commonly perceived as ‘errors’. Thus although everyone knows that language is variable, many people believe that invariance is nonetheless to be desired, and professional scholars of language have not been immune to the consequences of these same beliefs.”

 

6. Can you think of any example of non-professional attitudes to your own language?

 

 

 

 

 

7. Why does Milroy use “scare quotes” around non-standard and errors?

 

Milroy uses ‘scare quotes’ to show the readers that he does not agree with the ideas that are express by that term. The term is expressing non-professional ideas which he does not agree with.

 

8. Are non-standard dialects “incorrect, irregular, ungrammatical and deviant.”?

I think that this depend on what we consider to be a standard and non-standard dialect. Any language has its own rules and I think that they shouldn’t be regard as incorrect, ungrammatical and deviant. Any language has different variations inside of the same language so, we shouldn’t consider ‘non-standard’ dialects as incorrect, irregular ungrammatical and deviant.

 

9. Which of these systems is more irregular? Why?

 

Myself

Yourself

Himself

Herself

Ourselves

Themselves

Myself

Yourself

Hisself

Herself

Ourselves

Theirselves

 

The second is more regular than the first, but the second is not the standard. The first column is the standard.

In this question, we have to remark, that the pronouns ‘Hisself’ and ‘Theirselves’ can be used in certain contexts although, they are not considered as grammatically correct.

 

 

10. “… much of the change generally accepted body of knowledge on which theories of change are based depends on quite narrow interpretations of written data and econtexutalized citation forms (whether written or spoken), rather than on observation of spoken language in context (situated speech). (Milroy 1992: 5) Why do you think this is so?

 

I believe that this is due to the variability of the spoken language. If we analyze the spoken language, we will find the fact that a lot of people don’t follow grammatical rules when they are in speech. They don’t follow the rules and this lead to the destructuralisation of language. Due to that, we can have complications when we try to interpret the changes which occur in speech.

 

11. Any description of a language involves norms? Think of the descriptions of your own language. Why is this so? For example: He ate the pie already is considered to be non-standard in which variety of English and perfectly acceptable in which other?

 I have to say that there are norms and rules in all the languages but at the same time, there are a lot of exceptions, too. Moreover, we can affirm that norms and rule disappear in colloquial register.

The phrase ‘he ate the pie already’ couldn’t be considered correct in a formal context. However, it could be considered correct in informal or colloquial speech.

 

12. What is the difference between descriptive and prescriptive grammars?

 

Descriptive grammar looks at the way a language is actually used by its speakers and then attempts to analyze it and formulate rules about the structure. Descriptive grammar does not deal with what is good or bad language use; forms and structures that might not be used by speakers of Standard English would be regarded as valid and included. It is a grammar based on the way a language actually is and how some think it should be.

 

http://www.usingenglish.com/glossary/descriptive-grammar.html

 

Prescriptive grammar lays out rules about the structure of a language. Unlike a descriptive grammar, it deals with what the grammarian believes to be right and wrong, good or bad language use; not following the rules will generate incorrect language.

Both type of grammar have their supporters and their detractors, which in all probability suggests that both have their strengths and weaknesses.

 

http://www.usingenglish.com/glossary/prescriptive-grammar.html

 

 

13. Weinreich, Labov and Herzog’s (1968) empirical foundations of language change:

 

Constraints: what changes are possible and what are not

Embedding: how change spreads from a central point through a speech community

Evaluation: social responses to language change (prestige overt and covert attitudes to language, linguistic stereotyping and notions on correctness).

Transition: “the intervening stages which can be observed, or which must be posited, between any two forms of  a language defined for a language community at different times” Weinreich, Labov and Herzog 1968: 101)

Actuation: Why particular changes take place at a particular time.

 

 

14. What do you think the “prestige motivation for change” and the “solidarity constraint” mean? How are they opposed?

‘The prestige motivation for change’ is the way in which we observe our language and how other people use it.

‘Solidarity constraint’ refers the way we adapt our language depending on the social context. Our language will vary depending on the context in we find ourselves.

‘The prestige motivation for change’ and ‘solidarity constraint’ are opposed, because the first is concentrated in our wish to be accepted by others; and the another must consider our desire to be in a superior social status.

 

15. Sound change: post-vocalic /r/ in New York/ The change from long āto ōin some dialects of English.

 

Post vocalic /r/ in New York

The general vocalization of post-vocalic /r/ is an eighteenth-century phenomenon. The basic vernacular of New York City was consistently r-less in the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth. r-less pronunciation, as a characteristic of British Received Pronunciation, was also taught as a model of correct, international English by schools of speech, acting, and elocution in the United States up to the end of World War II. It was the standard model for most radio announcers and used as a high prestige form by Franklin Roosevelt.

 

r-pronunciation was examined in some detail in the sociolinguistic study of

New York City (Labov 1966). The variable (r) is defined as tautosyllabic (or coda) /r/. This excludes intervocalic /r/, which is never vocalized in the white community, and word-final /r/ before a vowel-initial word, which is vocalized at a much lower rate. The result showed a fine-grained stratification in the use of constricted [r] in formal styles, while in casual style there was a sharp division between (younger) upper middle class speakers and everyone else. There is some evidence of variable r-pronunciation in New York City before World War II which may have provided the raw material for the norm of constricted /r/ (Frank 1948), but the shift to a positive evaluation of r-pronunciation affected all New Yorkers born after 1923 (Labov 1966: Ch. 11). Parallel shifts towards an r-pronouncing norm can be observed in Boston.2 Recent re-studies of New York City speech show that a consistent pattern of r-vocalization characterizes the spontaneous speech of all but the upper middle class and the upper class.

r-pronunciation is primarily a feature of formal speech: a superposed dialect, with a rate of increase of about 1.5 percent a year (Fowler 1986; Labov 1994: 83–87). Feagin (1987) reported a more radical shift to r-pronunciation across three generations in Anniston, Alabam.

 

http://www.ling.upenn.edu/phono_atlas/Atlas_chapters/Ch07_2nd.rev.pdf

 

 

 

The change from long ato  oin some dialects of English.

 

The father-bother merger is a merger of the Early Modern English vowels /ɑː/ and /ɒ/ that occurs in almost all varieties of North American English (exceptions are accents in northeastern New England, such as the Boston accent, and in New York City).[1][2][3] In those accents with the merger father and bother rhyme, and Kahn and con are homophonous as [kɑn]. Unrounding of EME /ɒ/ is found also in Norwich, the West Country, the West Midlands

 and in Hiberno-English, but apparently with no phonemic merger.

 

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Phonological_history_of_English_low_back_vowels#Father.E2.80.93bother_merger

 

16. Actuation: Why did /k/ palatalize before certain front vowels? PrsE: cheese, German käse English/Norse doublets shirt/skirt?

If we analyze this case, we can observe that there are a conflicting patterns of change and stability in languages and dialects of similar structure.

I believe that the place of palatization varied in order to differentiate the meaning between the word doublets.

 

17. What is the biological metaphor in language change?

This term is used by Müller who thinks it does not seem to have a metaphor at all.

The metaphor has weakened since Müller wrote, but there have been many publications on language history since then that have been based on the idea of the independent ‘life’ of language.

The acceptance of this metaphor is widespread enough for it to appear in the title of a book on linguistics.

 

18. What is the difference between internal and external histories of a language?

 

Internal history of a language refers to the historical development of its linguistic forms (phonology, morphology, syntax and lexicon) and semantics. It is contrasted with external history, which refers to the social and geopolitical history of the language.

 

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Internal_history

 

19. Look up Neogrammarians and lexical diffusion. Why are they often found in the same paragraph or chapter?

The terms ‘Neogrammarians’ and ‘lexical diffusion’ are often found in the same paragraph or chapter because they are opposed and are sometimes compared.

Lexical diffusion (Wang, 1969) holds that sound-change may be lexically gradual. In change from /e:/ to /i:/ ( such as the EModE, change in words as meat, peace, leave) items are that do not get transferred (in this case such words as great, break, steak).

Neogrammarian theory has been interpreted to mean that the relevant class of items all undergo the change at the same time, that is, that sound-change is phonetically gradual and lexically sudden.

Neogrammarian hypothesis are part of the lexical rule component, whereas Neogrammarian exceptionless change is accounted for by post-lexical rules.

 

20. Look up social norm-enforcement, childish errors and slips of the tongue. What have they to do with language change?

 

A Social norm is the sociological term for the behavioral expectations and cues within a society or group. They have been defined as "the rules that a group uses for appropriate and inappropriate values, beliefs, attitudes and behaviors. These rules may be explicit or implicit. Failure to stick to the rules can result in severe punishments, the most feared of which is exclusion from the group." They have also been described as the "customary rules of behavior that coordinate our interactions with others." The social norms indicate the established and approved ways of doing things, of dress, of speech and of appearance. These vary and evolve not only through time but also vary from one age group to another and between social classes and social groups. What is deemed to be acceptable dress, speech or behaviour in one social group may not be accepted in another. Deference to the social norms maintains one's acceptance and popularity within a particular group; ignoring the social norms risks one becoming unacceptable, unpopular or even an outcast from a group. What is deemed acceptable to young people is often unacceptable to elderly people; this difference is caused by the different social norms that operate and are tacitly agreed-upon in such different groups of people. Social norms tend to be tacitly established and maintained through body language and non-verbal communication between people in their normal social discourse.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Norm_%28sociology%29

Childish errors

Slips of the tongue

For thousands of years, the scholars and philosophers interested in the nature of language have believed that language and speech are composed of discrete units of sound and meaning. Although the sound represented by the letters d-o-g may be continuous on a physical level, the word can be considered to be composed of separate sounds. This is as true of languages without a written alphabet (and there are thousands of such languages spoken in the world) as those like English with a written form. While these units are not normally observed in error free speech, speech errors which move or substitute, delete or add sounds or words or phrases show the existence of such units, as illustrated in the the following examples:

(1) stick in the mud  >  smuck in the tid (consonant segments exchange)
(2) ad hoc  >  odd hack (vowel segments exchange)
(3) unanimity  >  unamity (syllable deleted)
(4) easily enough  >  easy enoughly (suffix moved)
(5) tend to turn out  >  turn to tend out (words exchange)
(6) my sister went to the Grand Canyon  >  the grand canyon went to my sister (whole phrase exchange).

 

http://psikoloji.fisek.com.tr/psycholinguistics/Fromkin.html

 

 

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