JAMES MILROY: Some new perspectivas on sound change:sociolinguistics and the Neogrammarians.
because of the sound change is probably the most mysterious aspect of change in language. For example: in the change from [e:] to [i:] is imposible to see any progress or Benedit to the language or its speakers, the use of one vowel, sound rather than another purely arbitrary; there is apparently no profit and no loss.
One of the differences between Milroy and the Neogrammarians is that the Neogrammarians based their axiom on the sound change is regular;sound laws have no exceptions. When a sound is observed to have a change in a particular lexical item, the regularity principle predicts that it should also have change in the same way in all other relevant ítems.
One important Neogrammarian claim is that regular sound change is phonetically gradual but lexically abrupt. According to Bloomfield, it proceeds by “imperceptible negrees”. Speakers pronouncing these words did not make a suden leap across phonetic space from [e:] to [i:], the change was so show and so Light at any given time that it was not noticed by speakers; so, the main difference between the Neogrammarians and Milroy is that he focus on the importance of the analysing speech and language in social context.
the sociolinguistic approach to the study of language change that Milroy developed over the years is differentiated from other sociolinguistic models by its insistente on the methodological priority of the study of language maintenance over the study of language change. It is assumed that the linguistic change is embedded in a context of language maintenance (or dialect).
Because Milroy says that speech “sounds” do not physically change: what happens is that in the course of time one sound is substituted for another.
Milroy says that sound change is a social
phenomenon in that it comes about because speakers in conversation bring about,
speakers often have very strong feelings about it, and it is manifested in
speaker usage.
The principle of social gradualness supersedes the binary division between “regular” sound change and lexical difusión that Labor (1992) discusses. Both processes are socially gradual, both are abrupt replacement patterns, and both can be shown to be regular in some sense. The difference between them in terms of phonetic change now becomes one of greater or lesser phonetic distance between State A(before the change) and State B (after the change).
It is when a whole “dialect” can die out as another “dialect” replaces it, leaving only a few traces behind it. This is a result of changes in speaker-agreement on the norms of usage in speech communities. For example, Milroy refers to West Midland dialects of Middle English by weakly inflected East Midland dialects.
to deal with our social view in which language is a normative phenomenon. The norms of language are maintained and enforced by social pressures. It is customary to think of these norms as standardizing norms. But the fact that we can recognize different dialects of a language demonstrates that other norms exist apart from the Standard ones, and that these norms are observed by speakers and maintained by communities often in opposition to standardizing norms. It is called community norms or venacular norms, that these norms manifest themselves at different levels of generality. One example of internal social differences; gender- difference.
There will be a regular social pattern in terms of age, sex, social class and other social variables and we will recognize linguistic change in progress, so in h-dropping a change can persist as a variable state for seven or eight centurias without ever going to completion in the traditional sense.
The distinction between innovation and change
leads to an associated distinction – the distinction between speaker
innovation, on the one hand, and linguistic change, on the other. The terms
innovation and change should reflect a conceptual distinction: an innovation is
an act of the speaker, whereas a change is manifested within the language
system. It is speakers, and not languages, that innovate. It should also be
noted that an innovation, when it occurs, must be unstructured and “irregular”
and not describable by quantitative or statistical methods
Because it is possible to argue that each single event of borrowing
into a new speech community is just as
much an innovation as the presumed original event in the “original speech
community”.
It is assumed that the spread of the change is by borrowing and implied that the spread by borrowing; in other words, it is posible to argue that each single event of borrowing into a new speech community is just as much an innovation as the presumed original event in the original speech community.
Standard languages are not normal languages. They are created by the imposition of political and military power, hence the sound-patterns in them and the changes that come about in these sound patterns do not come about through blind necessity.
Clean data have already
been largely normalized and the vernaculars that we actually encounter in the
speech community are relatively intractable: the data we encounter is to a
greater extent dirty data that presents itself as irregular and chaotic progress in understanding
linguistic change will largely depend on our ability to cope with these ‘dirty’
data expose the systematic behind them.