Michel Foucault
(1926-1984)
Michel Foucault (October 15, 1926- June 25, 1984) was a
French philosopher who held a chair at the College de France, which he gave the
title "The History of Systems of Thought." His writings have had an enormous
impact on other scholarly work: Foucault's influence extends across the
humanities and social sciences, and across many applied and professional areas
of study.
Foucault is known for his critiques of various social institutions, most
notably psychiatry, medicine, and the prison system, and also for his theories
on the history of sexuality. His general theories concerning power and the
relation between power and knowledge, as well as his ideas concerning
"discourse" in relation to the history of Western thought, have been
widely discussed and applied. Foucault was also critical of social constructs
that implied an identity, from the identity of male/female and homosexual to
that of criminals and political activists. Foucault's theories on identity are
exemplified by his observation that homosexual identity has progressed over the
years from an implied act to an implied identity.
His work is often described as postmodernist or post-structuralist by
contemporary commentators and critics. During the 1960s, however, he was more
often associated with the structuralist movement. Although he was initially
happy with this description, he later emphasised his distance from the
structuralist approach, arguing that unlike the structuralists he did not adopt
a formalist approach. Neither was he interested in having the postmodern label
applied to his own work, saying he preferred to discuss how
"modernity" was defined.
Foucault resisted biography on the grounds that he was both a constantly
evolving personality and that publicly he exists through his work. Of this he
wrote "Do not ask me who I am and do not ask me to remain the same."
Early life
Foucault was born in 1926 in Poitiers as Paul-Michel Foucault to a notable
provincial family. His father, Paul Foucault, was an eminent surgeon and hoped
his son would join him in the profession. Foucault later dropped 'Paul' from
his name for reasons which are not entirely clear. His early education was a
mix of success and mediocrity until he attended the Jesuit College
Saint-Stanislaus where he excelled. During this period, Poitiers was part of
Vichy France and later came under German occupation. After World War II,
Foucault gained entry to the prestigious Ecole Normale Superieure (rue d'Ulm),
the traditional gateway to an academic career in the humanities in France.
The Ecole Normale Superieure
Foucault's personal life during the Ecole Normale was difficult- he suffered
from acute depression, even attempting suicide. He was taken to see a
psychiatrist. Perhaps because of this, Foucault became fascinated with
psychology. Thus, in addition to his licence (degree) in philosophy he also
earned a licence in psychology, which was at that time a very new qualification
in France, and was involved in the clinical arm of the discipline where he was
exposed to thinkers such as Ludwig Binswanger.
Like many 'normaliens' , Foucault joined the French Communist Party from 1950
to 1953. He was inducted into the party by his mentor Louis Althusser. He left
due to concerns about what was happening in the Soviet Union under Stalin.
Unlike most party members, Foucault never actively participated in his cell.
Early career
Foucault passed his agregation in 1950. After a brief period lecturing at the
Ecole Normale, he took up a position at the University of Lille, where from
1953 to 1954 he taught psychology. In 1954 Foucault published his first book, Maladie
mentale et personnalite, a work which he would later disavow. It soon
became apparent that Foucault was not interested in a teaching career, and he
undertook a lengthy exile from France. In 1954 Foucault served France as a
cultural delegate to the University of Uppsala in Sweden (a position arranged
for him by Georges Dumezil, who was to become a friend and mentor). In 1958
Foucault left Uppsala for briefly held positions at Warsaw University and at
the University of Hamburg.
Foucault returned to France in 1960 to complete his doctorate and take up a
post in philosophy at the University of Clermont-Ferrand. There he met Daniel
Defert, with whom he lived in non-monogamous partnership for the rest of his
life. In 1961 he earned his doctorate by submitting two theses (as is customary
in France): a "major" thesis entitled Folie et deraison: Histoire de
la folie a l'age classique and a 'secondary' thesis which involved a
translation and commentary on Kant's Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of
View. Folie
et deraison (ironically published in English as Madness
and Civilization) was extremely well-received. Foucault continued a
vigorous publishing schedule. In 1963 he published Naissance
de la Clinique (Birth
of the Clinic), Raymond
Roussel, and a reissue of his 1954 volume (now entitled Maladie mentale et
psychologie) which he would again disavow.
After Defert was posted to Tunisia for his military service, Foucault moved to
a position at the University of Tunis in 1965. In 1966 he published Les
Mots et les choses (The
Order of Things), which was enormously popular despite its length and
difficulty. This was during the height of interest in structuralism and
Foucault was quickly grouped with scholars such as Jacques Lacan, Claude
Levi-Strauss, and Roland Barthes as the newest, latest wave of thinkers set to
topple the existentialism popularized by Jean-Paul Sartre. By now Foucault was
militantly anti-communist, and some considered the book to be right wing, while
Foucault quickly tired of being labelled a 'structuralist'. He was still in
Tunis during the May 1968 student rebellions, where he was profoundly affected
by a local student revolt earlier in the same year. In the fall of 1968 he
returned to France, where he published L'archeologie
du savoir (The
Archaeology of Knowledge)- a response to his critics- in 1969.
Post-1968: Foucault the activist
In the aftermath of 1968, the French government created a new experimental
university at Vincennes. Foucault became the first head of its philosophy
department in December of that year and appointed mostly young leftist
academics (such as Judith Miller) whose radicalism provoked the Ministry of
Education to withdraw the department's accreditation. Foucault notoriously also
joined students in occupying administration buildings and fighting with police.
Foucault's tenure at Vincennes was short-lived, as in 1970 Foucault was elected
to France's most prestigious academic body, the College de France as Professor
of the History of Systems of Thought. His political involvement now increased,
Defert having joined the ultra-Maoist Gauche Proletarienne (GP), with whom
Foucault became very loosely associated. Foucault helped found the Prison Information
Group (in French: Groupe d'Information sur les Prisons, or GIP) to provide a
way for prisoners to voice their concerns. This fed into a marked
politicization of Foucault's work, with a book, Surveiller
et Punir (Discipline
and Punish), which "narrates" the micro-power structures that
developed in Western societies since the eighteenth century, with a special
focus on prisons and schools.
The late Foucault
In the late 1970s political activism in France tailed off with the
disillusionment of many if not most Maoists. Several of them underwent a
complete reversal in ideology, becoming the so-called New Philosophers, and
often cited Foucault as their major influence, a status about which Foucault
had mixed feelings. Foucault in this period began a mammoth project to write a
History of Sexuality, which he was never to complete. Its first volume, The
Will to Knowledge, was published in 1976, and has much in common with
Discipline and Punish. The second and third volumes did not appear for another
eight years, and they surprised readers by their relatively traditional style,
subject matter (classical Greek and Latin texts) and approach, particularly
Foucault's concentration on the subject, a concept he had previously tended to
denigrate.
Foucault began to spend more time in the United States, at University at
Buffalo (where he had lectured on his first ever visit to the United States in
1970) and especially at UC Berkeley. In 1975 he took LSD at Zabriskie Point in
Death Valley National Park, later calling it the best experience of his life.
In 1978 Foucault made two tours of Iran, undertaking extensive interviews with
political protagonists in support of the new revolutionary Islamic government
there. His many essays on Iran were published in the Italian newspaper Corriere
Della Sera, but remained little known to Foucault's admirers in the English and
French-speaking nations until they were published in English in 2005. These
essays caused some controversy, with some commentators arguing that Foucault
was insufficiently critical of the new regime.
Foucault enthusiastically participated in the gay culture in San Francisco,
particularly in the S&M culture- it is suspected that it was here that he
contracted HIV, in the days before the disease was described as such. Foucault
died of an AIDS-related illness in Paris June 26th, 1984.
Works
Madness and Civilization
For more details on this topic, see Madness and Civilization.
The English edition of Madness
and Civilization is an abridged version of Folie et deraison: Histoire de
la folie a l'age classique, originally published in 1961. (A full translation
titled The History of Madness is due to be published by Routledge on March 31,
2006: ISBN 0415277019) This was Foucault's first major book, written while he
was the Director of the Maison de France in Sweden. It examines ideas,
practices, institutions, art and literature relating to madness in Western
history.
Foucault begins his history in the Middle Ages, noting the social and physical
exclusion of lepers. He argues that with the gradual disappearance of leprosy,
madness came to occupy this excluded position. The ship of fools in the 15th
century is a literary version of one such exclusionary practice, the practice
of sending mad people away in ships. In 17th century Europe, in a movement
which Foucault famously describes as the Great Confinement,
"unreasonable" members of the population were locked away and
institutionalised. In the eighteenth century, madness came to be seen as the
obverse of Reason, and, finally, in the nineteenth century as mental illness.
Foucault also argues that madness lost its power to signify the limits of
social order and to point to the truth and was silenced by Reason. He examines
the rise of scientific and "humanitarian" treatments of the insane,
notably at the hands of Philippe Pinel and Samuel Tuke. He claims that these
new treatments were in fact no less controlling than previous methods. Tuke's
country retreat for the mad consisted of punishing the madmen until they
learned to act "reasonably". Similarly, Pinel's treatment of the mad
amounted to an extended aversion therapy, including such treatments as freezing
showers and use of a straitjacket. In Foucault's view, this treatment amounted
to repeated brutality until the pattern of judgment and punishment was
internalized by the patient.
The Birth of the Clinic
Foucault's second major book, The
Birth of the Clinic: An Archaeology of Medical Perception (Naissance
de la clinique: une archeologie du regard medical in French) was published
in 1963 in France, and translated to English in 1973. Picking up from Madness
and Civilization, The Birth of the Clinic traces the development of the medical
profession, and specifically the institution of the clinique (translated as
"clinic", but here largely referring to teaching hospitals). Its
motif is the concept of the medical regard (a concept which has garnered a lot
of attention from English-language readers, due to Alan Sheridan's unusual
translation, "medical gaze").
The Order of Things
Foucault's Les
Mots et les choses: Une archeologie des sciences humaines was published in
1966. It was translated into English in 1970 under the title The
Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences. (Foucault had
preferred L'Ordre des Choses for the original French title, but changed the
title to suit the wishes of his editor, Pierre Nora.)
The book opened with an extended discussion of Diego Velazquez's painting Las
Meninas and its complex arrangement of sight-lines, hiddenness and appearance.
Then it developed its central claim: that all periods of history possessed
certain underlying conditions of truth that constituted what was acceptable as,
for example, scientific discourse. Foucault argued that these conditions of discourse
changed over time, in major and relatively sudden shifts, from one period's
episteme to another.
The Order of Things brought Foucault to prominence as an intellectual figure in
France. A review by Jean-Paul Sartre attacked Foucault as 'the last rampart of
the bourgeoisie'.
The Archaeology of Knowledge
Published in 1969, this volume was Foucault's main excursion into methodology.
He wrote it in order to deal with the reception that Les Mots et les choses had
received. It makes references to Anglo-American analytical philosophy,
particularly speech act theory.
Foucault directs his analysis toward the "statement", the basic unit
of discourse that he believes has been ignored up to this point.
"Statement" is the English translation from French enonce (that which
is enounced or expressed), which has a peculiar meaning for Foucault.
"Enonce" for Foucault means that which makes propositions,
utterances, or speech acts meaningful. In this understanding, statements
themselves are not propositions, utterances, or speech acts. Rather, statements
create a network of rules establishing what is meaningful, and it is these
rules that are the preconditions for propositions, utterances, or speech acts
to have meaning. Depending on whether or not they comply with the rules of
meaning, a grammatically correct sentence may still lack meaning and inversely,
an incorrect sentence may still be meaningful. Statements depend on the
conditions in which they emerge and exist within a field of discourse. It is
huge entities of statements, called discursive formations, toward which
Foucault aims his analysis. It is important to note that Foucault reiterates
that the analysis he is outlining is only one possible tactic, and that he is
not seeking to displace other ways of analysing discourse or render them as
invalid.
Foucault's posture toward the statements is radical. Not only does he bracket
out issues of truth; he also brackets out issues of meaning. Rather than
looking for a deeper meaning underneath discourse or looking for the source of
meaning in some transcendental subject, Foucault analyzes the conditions of
existence for meaning. In order to show the principles of meaning production in
various discursive formations he details how truth claims emerge during various
epochs on the basis of what was actually said and written during these periods
of time. He particularly describes the Renaissance, the Age of Enlightenment,
and the 20th Century. He strives to avoid all interpretation and to depart from
the goals of hermeneutics. This posture allows Foucault to move away from an
anthropological standpoint and focus on the role of discursive practices.
Dispensing with finding a deeper meaning behind discourse would appear to lead
Foucault toward structuralism. However, whereas structuralists search for
homogenity in a discursive entity, Foucault focuses on differences. Instead of
asking what constitutes the specificity of European thought he asks what
differences develop within it over time. Therefore, he refuses to examine statements
outside of their role in the discursive formation, and he never examines
possible statements that could have emerged from such a formation. His identity
as a historian emerges here, as he is only interested in analysing actual
statements in history. The whole of the system and its discursive rules
determine the identity of the statement. But, a discursive formation
continually generates new statements, and some of these usher in changes in the
discursive formation that may or may not be realized. Therefore, to describe a
discursive formation, Foucault also focuses on expelled and forgotten
discourses that never happen to change the discursive formation. Their
difference to the dominant discourse also describe it. In this way one can
describe specific systems that determine which types of statements emerge.
Discipline and Punish
Discipline
and Punish: The Birth of the Prison was translated to English in 1977, from
the French Surveiller
et punir: Naissance de la prison, published in 1975.
The book opens with a graphic description of the brutal public execution in
1757 of Robert-Francois Damiens, who attempted to kill Louis XV. Against this
it juxtaposes a colourless prison timetable from just over 80 years later.
Foucault then inquires how such a change in French society's punishment of
convicts could have developed in such a short time. These are snapshots of two
contrasting types of Foucault's "Technologies of Punishment". The
first type, "Monarchical Punishment", involves the repression of the
populace through brutal public displays of executions and torture. The second,
"Disciplinary Punishment," is what Foucault says is practiced in the
modern era. Disciplinary punishment gives "professionals"
(psychologists, programme facilitators, parole officers, etc.) power over the
prisoner, most notably in that the prisoner's length of stay depends on the
professionals' opinion.
Foucault also compares modern society with Jeremy Bentham's
"Panopticon" design for prisons (which was unrealized in its original
form, but nonetheless influential): in the Panopticon, a single guard can watch
over many prisoners while the guard remains unseen. The dark dungeon of
pre-modernity has been replaced with the bright modern prison, but Foucault
cautions that "visibility is a trap". It is through this visibility,
Foucault writes, that modern society exercises its controlling systems of power
and knowledge (terms which Foucault believed to be so fundamentally connected
that he often combined them in a single hyphenated concept,
"power-knowledge"). Foucault suggests that a "carceral continuum"
runs through modern society, from the maximum security prison, through secure
accommodation, probation, social workers, police, and teachers, to our everyday
working and domestic lives. All are connected by the (witting or unwitting)
supervision (surveillance, application of norms of acceptable behaviour) of
some humans by others.
The History of Sexuality
Three volumes of The
History of Sexuality were published before Foucault's death in 1984. The
first and most referenced volume, The
Will to Knowledge (previously known as An Introduction in English- Histoire
de la sexualite, 1: la volonte de savoir in French) was published in France
in 1976, and translated in 1977, focusing primarily on the last two centuries,
and the functioning of sexuality as an analytics of power related to the
emergence of a science of sexuality (scientia sexualis) and the emergence of
biopower in the West. In this volume he attacks the "repressive
hypothesis," the very widespread belief that we have, particularly since
the nineteenth century, "repressed" our natural sexual drives. He
shows that what we think of as "repression" of sexuality actually
constituted sexuality as a core feature of our identities, and produced a
proliferation of discourse on the subject.
The second two volumes, The
Use of Pleasure (Histoire
de la sexualite, II: l'usage des plaisirs) and The
Care of the Self (Histoire
de la sexualite, III: le souci de soi) dealt with the role of sex in Greek
and Roman antiquity. Both were published in 1984, the year of Foucault's death,
with the second volume being translated in 1985, and the third in 1986. Some
believe that a fourth volume, dealing with the Christian era, was almost
complete at the time of Foucault's death. Foucault scholar and friend, Arnold
Davidson, has denied that an intended fourth and fifth volume in the series had
ever been written.
Lectures
From 1970 until his death in 1984, from January to March of each year except
1977, Foucault gave a course of public lectures and seminars weekly at the
College de France as the condition of his tenure as professor there. All these
lectures were tape-recorded, and Foucault's transcripts also survive. In 1997
these lectures began to be published in French with six volumes having appeared
so far. So far, three sets of lectures have appeared in English: Society
Must Be Defended, Abnormal, and The Hermeneutics of the Subject. A set of
Foucault's lectures from UC Berkeley has also appeared as Fearless
Speech.
Society Must Be Defended (1976-77)
In this course, Michel Foucault analyzed the historical and political discourse
of "race struggle". He also conceptualized "state racism",
which would lead him to the 1978-79 course on the Birth of Biopolitics.
Terminology
Terms coined or largely redefined by Foucault, as translated into English:
* biopower/biopolitics
* Disciplinary institutions
* episteme
* genealogy
* governmentality
* heterotopia
* parrhesia
* power
* state racism
Many thinkers have criticized Foucault, ranging from Charles Taylor, Noam
Chomsky, Camille Paglia, Jurgen Habermas, Jacques Derrida, and Nancy Fraser to
Slavoj Zizek and historian Hayden White, among others. An entire book has been
written as a critical evaluation of Foucault's achievements. While each of them
takes issue with different aspects of Foucault's work, all of these approaches
share the same basic orientation: Foucault clearly seems to reject the liberal
values and philosophy associated with the Enlightenment while simultaneously
secretly relying on them. They argue that this failure either makes him
dangerously nihilistic, or that he cannot be taken seriously in his disavowal
of normative values while in fact his work ultimately presupposes them.
Some historians as well as others have also criticised Foucault for his use of
historical information, claiming that he frequently misrepresented things, got
his facts wrong, or simply made them up entirely. Perhaps the most notable of
these was Jacques Derrida's extensive critique of Foucault's reading of Rene
Descartes' Meditations on First Philosophy. Derrida's criticism led to a break
in their friendship and marked the beginning of a fifteen year-long feud
between the two.
It is important to note, however, that there has been considerable debate over
both these sets of criticisms and they are not universally accepted as valid by
all critics. Foucault himself on a number of occasions took issue with the first
kind of criticism noting that he believed strongly in human freedom and that
his philosophy was a fundamentally optimistic one, as he believed that
something positive could always be done no matter how bleak the situation. One
might also add that his work is actually aimed at refuting the position that
Reason (or "rationality") is the sole means of guaranteeing truth and
the validity of ethical systems. Thus, to criticise Reason is not to reject all
notions of truth and ethics as some of these critics claim.
There are notable exchanges with Lawrence Stone and George Steiner on the
subject of Foucault's historical accuracy as well as a discussion with
historian Jacques Leonard concerning Discipline and Punish. Foucault's
"histories" have nonetheless drawn considerable attention from
"mainstream" historians as Foucault's works frequently dealt with
unique or overlooked historical problems.
Foucault's changing viewpoint
The study of Foucault's thought is complicated because his ideas developed and
changed over time. His ideas are best understood as different (but related)
bodies of thought associated with each of his different major publications.
Thus the Foucault who wrote Madness and Civilisation (1961) did not have quite
the same set of ideas as the Foucault who wrote The Archaeology of Knowledge
(1969); and the Foucault who wrote The History of Sexuality (1976-84) had
developed an altogether new approach. As David Gauntlett (2002) explains:
"Of course, there's nothing wrong with Foucault changing his approach; in
a 1982 interview, he remarked that 'When people say, "Well, you thought
this a few years ago and now you say something else," my answer is…
[laughs] "Well, do you think I have worked [hard] all those years to say
the same thing and not to be changed?"' (2000: 131). This attitude to his
own work fits well with his theoretical approach- that knowledge should
transform the self. When asked in another 1982 interview if he was a
philosopher, historian, structuralist, or Marxist, Foucault replied 'I don't
feel that it is necessary to know exactly what I am. The main interest in life
and work is to become someone else that you were not in the beginning' (Martin,
1988: 9)."
(from David Gauntlett, 2002, Media,
Gender and Identity, London: Routledge).
In a similar vein, Foucault preferred not to claim that he was presenting a
coherent and timeless block of knowledge; rather, he said:
"I would like my books to be a kind of tool-box which others can rummage
through to find a tool which they can use however they wish in their own
area... I would like the little volume that I want to write on disciplinary
systems to be useful to an educator, a warden, a magistrate, a conscientious
objector. I don't write for an audience, I write for users, not readers."
(Michel Foucault, (1974)
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