ASA Convention
One picture does not tell a sociological story or make a sociological point, let
alone build sociological theory visually. No more than one word or one paragraph
would, one statistical table or one paragraph from my field notes. A photograph
is evidence, data, and requires context to make its point, whether that context
consists of other photographs, as in Walker Evans’ photographic investigation
American Photographs (1938); photographs and a substantial text, such as the
Bateson/Mead collaboration Balinese Character (1942); or Douglas Harper’s
Working Knowledge (1987).
Audiences typically read single photographs by providing the context themselves.
Most often, that “knowledge” consists of conventional clichés, the ones
photojournalists exploit when they produce “famine” photographs of children with
distended stomachs or pictures of the bereaved embracing at a funeral. If their
interpretation is more solidly based in their own experience, however, one
picture can remind them of what they already know and lead them to make some
inferences and produce a sociologically based analysis of what they see.
I’ve taken advantage of that possibillity in choosing this photograph, “ASA
Convention.” I made the picture during my most enthusiastic period as a
photographer, when I used to carry a camera everywhere and make exposures of
things that seemed “interesting” to me. I don’t remember exactly which ASA
convention this was, but I was photographing a lot, trying to record images that
conveyed something of those hectic summer days, when a few thousand sociologists
assembled to socialize, do business, and tell each other what they had been
doing and finding out.
One afternoon, I walked into a cocktail lounge in the convention hotel and saw,
standing at the bar with his back to me, an old friend who truly enjoyed the
social life of the annual meeting. Howard Freeman, who died sometime afterwards,
was a gregarious guy for whom the convention seemed to be a high point, where he
met the hundreds of people he knew in the business, shmoozed and politicked, and
had a really good time. I took advantage of his legendary good nature to make
this picture of him. (Sol Levine (1993) described him well in the memorial
remarks he delivered at UCLA.) I took my time finding a good place to stand, one
where the overhead light would catch him, I hoped, in a characteristic pose, and
adjusted the camera’s aperture and shutter speed. Then I shouted, “Freeman, you
shmuck!”, figuring that he would turn around, walk right into that cone of light,
and stick out his hand to greet whoever might have addresssed him in such good
fellowship. I thought this image, combined with many others I made that week,
would tell an interesting story about, perhaps contribute to an interesting
analysis of, the nature of academic meetings.
I did make many other pictures and so did a number of other photographer-sociologists,
who joined me in an informally organized effort to provide a visual record and
analysis of a sociology convention. When we offered, as a collective, to display
our results at the next year’s meeting, the people then in charge of the ASA
declined to host the exhibition. Fortunately, as I remember, the Society for the
Study of Social Problems, bless them, had no such qualms, and provided a place
in their convention hotel where our pictures, this one among them, hung for
several days. The many other photographs, made by many other people from many
other vantage points, provided the context so lacking here. You’ll just have to
imagine it from your own experience of such events.
Although this single image does not itself communicate anything sociological or
do much to build sociological theory visually, we can use it as a single item of
evidence, as we might use something that appears in a day’s fieldnotes to
suggest possibilities for further investigation. (I’ve discussed these
possibilities and their associated problems at length in Becker 2007,
particularly Chapters 4, 7, and 11.) When I made the picture, academia was
enjoying boom times. The somehow unexpected surge in college enrollments had
produced a seller’s market in employment and publication opportunities for
sociologists, and the atmosphere of ASA meetings reflected that prosperity and
confidence. Men still dressed formally—suits, ties—as did women, who were
present too (though not in this single image). If we rely on the comparative
possibilities looking backward thirty-five or more years gives us, we might make
something of those observations. Similarly, Freeman’s look of amiable good
fellowship, given the circumstances of the picture’s making I just related,
suggests a kind of freefloating sociability, a readiness to engage whoever it
might be on whatever terms that person might be proposing, a clue perhaps to the
confidence prosperity had bred among academics in general and sociologists in
particular. With that clue, we might search for other evidence of that boomtown
feeling, as well as look for signs of the more negative experiences and feelings
of those people who were not sharing in the good times (and there were many).
Photographers look through the images they gather much the way sociologists
search their data for more information, more clues, more signposts to guide the
next analytic steps. They make “proof sheets” of the rolls of film they have
exposed, which condense thirty-six images onto a single 8x10 inch sheet of paper.
Thus able to scan hundreds of images quickly, they look for similarities in
almost any detail that might be similar. So, alerted by the single image I’ve
proposed here, we might inspect my proof sheets from that ASA meeting, as well
as those of the others who participated in the collective documentation of it,
looking for other signs of the formality indicated by the men’s clothing, of the
freeflowing party spirit suggested by the gesture I photographed. We could look
for signs of contradictory moods and modes of interaction: suspicion, fear,
hostility, unease. Examining the work produced by the many sociologists involved
in this little enterprise, made from the different vantage points available to
visual sociologists differing in age, gender, race, network affiliation,
subdiscipline and geographical belonging, would surely give us material for many
more speculations we could use to inform another year’s investigation of the
same event, our shooting now sharpened by this analytic work. And, finally, we
might combine our visual observations with all the other material we could find
or manufacture to create a real sociology of the ASA convention (a job which,
oddly enough, no one has ever done).
REFERENCES
Bateson, Gregory, and Margaret Mead. 1942. Balinese Character: A Photographic
Analysis. New York: New York Academy of Sciences.
Becker, Howard S. 2007. Telling About Society. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.
Evans, Walker. 1975 (1938). American Photographs. New York: East River Press.
Harper, Douglas. 1987. Working Knowledge: Skill and Community In a Small Shop.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Levine, Sol. 1993. “Salute to Howard E. Freeman,” Health Services Research
28(5): 527-529.
Academic year 2008/2009
© a.r.e.a./Dr.Vicente Forés López
© Paula Jiménez de la Iglesia
paujide@alumni.uv.es
Universitat de València Press