"Whose books once
influenced mine": the
relationship between E.M. Forster's 'Howards End' and
Virginia Woolf's 'The Waves.'
http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0403/is_1_45/ai_54895474
visited in November, 2008
Spring,
1999 Â by Michael
J. Hoffman, Â Ann Ter
Haar
In a letter to Ethel Smyth on 21 Sept.
1930, Virginia Woolf spoke of her friend Morgan Forster
as "E. M. Forster the novelist, whose books once influenced mine, and
are very good, I think, though impeded, shrivelled and
immature" (Letters 4: 218). In earlier letters Woolf had
often alluded to Forster's influence, even insisting on
one occasion that "I always feel that nobody, except perhaps
Morgan Forster, lays hold of the thing I have done" (14 June 1925;
Letters 3: 188). By 1930 this literary friendship had
continued for more than two decades and was characterized
by the kind of edginess that often marks the
relationships of highly competitive artists. During the same year,
Forster recorded his own anxieties about Woolf in a note
that we find in his Commonplace Book: "Visit to Virginia,
prospects of, not wholly pleasurable. I shall watch her
curiosity and flattery exhaust themselves in turn. Nor does it do to
rally the Pythoness" (54). These comments, written when both
writers were well launched as established novelists and
public figures, give some indication of the complex
literary friendship that goaded and nourished both writers. In
this essay we shall explore how that relationship manifests itself
in two of their best-known novels, Howards End and The
Waves, through significant parallels in their thematics,
narrative voice, and imagery.
Although Forster was himself just three
years older than Woolf, he represents an earlier
generation, in part because of his extraordinary precocity and also in
part because Woolf - not enjoying some of the educational
advantages afforded Forster - began her career more
slowly, publishing her first novel when she was 33 years
old. In contrast, Howards End, one of Forster's two most celebrated
novels, was published when its author was barely 31,
having been preceded by three other novels and followed a
year later by a collection of tales. When Woolf's first
novel appeared in 1915, Forster had been publishing fiction for ten
years, and Woolf considered him a senior peer among
British writers.
Woolf and Forster related to one another
as practicing novelists, as critics who reviewed each
other's work, and as friends within their Bloomsbury connections. In
1910 Forster gave his first talk to the Friday Club on
"The Feminine Note in Literature," and before that he had
known Leonard Woolf at Cambridge through their membership
in the Apostles (Furbank 1: 192). Forster began his
practice of reviewing Woolf's novels with The Voyage Out. Indeed P. N.
Furbank, Forster's biographer, claims that after
Forster's "favourable review of The Voyage Out in 1915
[Woolf] 'became very dependent on his opinion'" (qtd. in
Dowling 85). It is instructive to compare this relationship to the
much more vexed one of Woolf and Katherine Mansfield. Viewed
within that context, the ties between Forster and Woolf
seem extraordinarily positive and long-lasting.
Forster appears to have been most
comfortable with Woolf's earlier works, such as The Voyage
Out, a book similar to his own: in "The Early Novels of Virginia
Woolf" (1925) he describes it as "a strange, tragic, inspired
book . . . [whose] closing chapters . . . are as poignant
as anything in modern fiction . . ." (Abinger Harvest
107). (It seems to us that in A Passage to India Forster
repeats many of the structural and thematic motifs he found in
The Voyage Out.) But when Woolf began, with Jacob's Room (1922),
to assume her more distinctive voice, Forster's praise
became more ambivalent. Even following the comparative
success of Jacob's Room, however, Woolf continued to see
Forster as her senior in accomplishment until the mid-20s, when her next
novel, Mrs. Dalloway, established her as the equal of her
friend.
But we should not underestimate the
element of competition. Both writers were trying to
establish the narrative aesthetics of their time, and each resisted
definitions developed by the other. In "Mr. Bennett and
Mrs. Brown" (1924), Woolf places Forster among the
Georgian, or new novelists who are moving away from
old-fashioned realism (Captain's Death Bed 95); a year later, in "The
Early Novels of Virginia Woolf," Forster praises Jacob's
Room and Mrs. Dalloway, particularly as artistic
structures, but his reservations peep through when he
refers to Woolf's style of "inspired breathlessness" and
her "shimmering fabric" (Abinger Harvest 109, 111), traits he
suggests may be a mask for covering over the lack of real
characters in Woolf's books.(1) In Aspects of the Novel
(1927) Forster also patronizingly lumps Woolf together
with Laurence Sterne as a "fantasist," and describes her
style as "a rather deliberate bewilderment, an announcement to all and
sundry that they do not know where they are going"
(19-20).
Woolf's diaries testify to the influence
that Forster's critical response had on her self-esteem.
Her entries reveal that with each successive novel it is Forster's
judgment she awaits and his critique that - other than
Leonard's - she values most highly. When he followed his
favorable review of The Voyage Out with a more measured
response to Night and Day (1919), a book that almost no one
liked, Woolf protests: "I see no reason to be depressed on his
account" (Diaries 1: 310). After the publication of Jacob's
Room, the letter containing Forster's simple praise ("I
am sure it is good") is the one Woolf "liked best of all"
(2: 209). While anticipating reviews of Mrs. Dalloway,
Woolf writes: "The only judgement on Mrs. D. I await with
trepidation (but that's too strong) is Morgan's. He will say
something enlightening" (3: 22). When she receives his approbation
three days later, her sparse diary entry underscores the
significance of the event. "Well, Morgan admires . . .
This is a weight off my mind." She notes, as well, that
Forster "kissed my hand" (3: 24).
Two years later, it is not until she
receives Forster's letter on To the Lighthouse ("It is
awfully sad, very beautiful . . . I am inclined to think it your best
work") that she feels free to put that novel "behind" her
(3: 137). The following year (1929) she is initially
concerned that Forster will not review A Room of One's
Own and is then relieved that he likes it (3: 262). In
1931 she quotes Morgan's response to The Waves directly, and at some
length, into her diary: "Here I will give myself the
pleasure - shall I? - of copying a sentence or two from
Morgan's unsolicited letter on The Waves." Delighted that
Forster declares the novel a "classic," Woolf reports: "I
daresay that gives me more substantial pleasure than any letter I've
had about any book. Yes, I think it does, coming from
Morgan" (4: 52). Later she reflects, "Isn't it odd that
I'm really, I believe, ostracized by some of my friends,
because of The Waves, & lifted to the highest pinnacle by
others, because of it? . . . Morgan is the only one, either side, that
matters" (4: 54). Woolf dreads Morgan's silence again
after the appearance of Roger Fry: A Biography (1940),
the last book she published before her death. She fears
that "Morgan will say - just enough to show he doesn't like, but
is kind" (5: 303), then reports that she would "be relieved if
Morgan approves" (5: 305), and finally records her
attempts to cope with Morgan's silence about this book -
"No review by Morgan, no review at all. No letter" (5:
308).
For her part, reviewing Aspects of the
Novel a month after its publication, Woolf contradicts
the central tenet of Forster's aesthetics when she criticizes him for
his vagueness in defining the novelist's capacity to
create "life," the most important of his self-proclaimed
evaluative categories. "Life," she writes in fluent
condescension,
it has been agreed by everyone whose
opinion is worth consulting, is the only fit subject for
novelist or biographer; life, the same authorities have decided, has
nothing whatever to do with sitting still in a chair and
thinking. Thought and life are poles asunder. (Orlando
267).(2)
Forster apparently responded with a
personal letter in which he obliquely expresses both
injury and pique.(3) Although each writer was hurt by the other's
criticism, Woolf no longer defers to Forster. She is by this
time (1927) a well-established, important British writer,
and she knows it. When Woolf publishes The Waves four
years later, Forster the novelist has been silent for
seven years, and Woolf clearly feels herself the more prominent literary
figure. Thus when Forster compares Woolf to the snake
that crushes its prey in his Commonplace Book (quoted
earlier), he reveals his discomfort with her swelling
powers and fame. He may also intuit the shift in her assessment of his
literary powers; this is the same year, remember, that
Woolf tells Ethel Smyth that she finds Forster's works
"impeded, shrivelled and immature" (1930).
To illustrate the reversal in their
relative positions, we might consider an incident
recorded in a series of letters that Woolf wrote to various friends in
1932, a year after publication of The Waves. Several of
her contemporaries mistook an anonymous book review of
Jane Austen's letters, actually written by Forster, to be
by Woolf.(4) Woolf responded by disparaging the writing, and disclaiming
any similarity to her own, although some anxiety is
apparent in the extremity of her reaction. To Ethel
Smyth, for instance, she writes:
Where is your taste, your judgment - I ask
in all solemnity (I'm rocking with laughter) - 'The
Austens are of your very best' - do you really think so? Well, the
article may be a masterpiece - I thought it feeble in the
extreme, and said to L. 'heres someone trying my tricks
in the Times - ' No, of course I didn't write it. Surely
- (13 Nov. 1932, Letters 5: 125)
She refers to this matter in two more
letters to Smyth (20 Nov. and 29 Nov. 1932), and then
again in a letter of 1 Jan. 1933 to W. Colston Leigh, the agent who
arranged an American lecture tour by Vim Sackville-West
and Harold Nicholson. By the time of her letter to Leigh,
Woolf already knows that Forster had written the review.
She writes:
I dislike the expressions separately - in
their context, bathed in Morgans very peculiar
sensibility they may be all right - I'm not Morgan. Thats one of the
puzzles of letters - how an atmosphere - person - taste -
pose - an transform the good into the bad. (5: 143)
What is really going on here? Had Forster
swerved stylistically to the extent that he was
unconsciously imitating Woolf? Or, in fact, had the two writers, after
20 years of reading each other and measuring themselves
thereby, developed similar discursive styles?(5) Given
how much earlier Forster started to publish, the issue of
Woolf's influence on him does not become strong until she has, with
Mrs. Dalloway and To the Lighthouse, achieved a major
reputation, and Forster has published the last novel to
appear in his lifetime, A Passage to India.
Questions of style and of fame preoccupied
both writers and served as a subject of discourse for
both. Both were interested not only in developing an individual style
and in measuring themselves against their contemporaries
and each other, but also, on a grander scale, in trying
to imagine their places in a larger literary history, one
that extended beyond national boundaries. It is remarkable that in
these projections Forster and Woolf often use similar kinds of
visual imagery. In his critical assessments, for
instance, Forster often employs architectural tropes as
images of containment. In Aspects of the Novel he envisions the
English novelists (regardless of period) "seated together in a
room, a circular room, a sort of British Museum
reading-room - all writing their novels simultaneously"
(21). Similarly, in "The Early Novels of Virginia Woolf,"
Forster compares English fiction from Fielding to Arnold Bennett
to a series of evenly spaced portraits in a picture gallery; the
gallery itself is the "one factor that never varies"
(Abinger Harvest 115). When he describes what Woolf would
do to the gallery, Forster expresses both his highest
praise and deepest anxiety: "She wants to destroy the gallery . .
. and in its place build what? Something more rhythmical.
Jacob's Room suggests a spiral whirling down to a point,
Mrs. Dalloway a cathedral" (115). In general, Forster
regards the "little mansions" of British fiction as
dwarfed by the "colonnades" and "vaults" of such novels as
War and Peace and The Brothers Karamazov (Aspects 8). By comparing her
works to cathedrals and whirling spirals, Forster was
effectively ranking Woolf in the same class as Tolstoy
and Dostoyevsky. Similarly, it seems to us that Woolf
transmutes Forster's imagery into the sculptural when, while revising
The Waves, she writes: "What I fear is that the
re-writing will have to be so drastic that I may entirely
muddle it somehow. It is bound to be very imperfect. But
I think it possible that I have got my statues against the
sky" (Diaries 3: 300).
When Forster asks the question, in Aspects
of the Novel, "may the writer take the reader into his
confidence about his characters?" he answers, "better
not" (81). But any reader of Howards End soon realizes that Forster's
narrative voice never hesitates to tell us about the
characters, even though that voice is more explicit in
making generalizations about character than in giving
away secrets about the characters. Here is an area in which the two
writers' practices ostensibly clashed, with Woolf attempting
either to transmute the narrative voice or do away with
it entirely in the Jamesian spirit of dramatizing or
rendering. In reality, however, Woolf found other ways to
get her comments into the text - for instance, by using one character's
voice to describe another character, and by dramatically
giving that commenting character a prominence in the
narrative that establishes his or her authority (for
example, Bernard in The Waves).
Literary history has situated Forster and
Woolf as part of a community known as "Bloomsbury," often
neglecting the nuanced differences in their family
backgrounds. Even though most of Forster's contemporaries among the
British artists and intelligentsia came from a milieu that
resembled that of the Schlegel sisters, his own familial
roots were Wilcoxian: property, politics, business. He
spent his boyhood (1883-93) on a small country estate
called Rooksnest in Stevenage, a home not unlike Howards End. It is no
doubt the Wilcox in Forster that seeks to identify an
essentially English art, an aesthetics that arises from
an English mythology. One can trace a British chauvinism
in both his aesthetic and political manifestoes as well as in his
desire to compete with such French and Russian masters as
Proust and Tolstoy.(6) Forster chose to live in a country
town (Weybridge) and a country village (Abinger)
consistent with his more rural family roots. Woolf, the consummate
city dweller (like the Schlegel sisters whom they resemble,
Virginia and Vanessa were natives of London), later took
refuge with Leonard in rural Sussex to escape the demands
of London literary and political life. Their country
home, Monk's House, Rodmell is another dwelling reminiscent of both
Howards End and Rooksnest.
There can hardly be two novels that seem
more explicitly opposite than Howards End and The Waves.
The first clearly finds its affinities in the long realist tradition of
the British social novel, with its concerns about class,
marriage, and property. Howards End is full of houses; it
presents the rich and the poor; it divides the middle
class into lovers of property and lovers of the arts; it has
three marriages, at least one marriage plot, two infidelities, and
an illegitimate birth. These have been conventions of
narrative fiction since Clarissa and Tom Jones. The
Waves, on the other hand, is the quintessential
"impressionist" novel, meant to be read with the care one brings to a
lyric poem full of images, tropes, and archetypes; it moves
not on the flow of plot and story line but on accumulated
fragments from the lives of a variety of characters, all
of whom speak but not all of whom control the discourse; its
characters are not created psychologically through action and
dialogue but through apercus and juxtaposition. The two
books seem as though they were written out of totally
different novelistic traditions, as to some extent they
were.
Yet their thematic concerns converge.
Howards End was published during 1910, the year in whose
final month human consciousness supposedly changed - as Woolf later
suggested in "Mr. Bennett and Mrs. Brown." In its social
content Howards End sums up a Europe on the brink of a
world war that will forever change the fortunes of
England. It places in conflict two upper-middle-class
families, one descended from English yeomanry (or the folk), the other
from cultivated German burghers, bringing them together
in a not altogether comfortable marriage and placing both
families in conflict with a member of the urban poor,
himself descended from yeoman stock. Without focusing on the
specifics of international conflict, Howards End nonetheless
presents a country that is poised between two worlds,
those of "culture" (the Wilcoxes) and "civilization" (the
Schlegels). In the late nineteenth century, German
critics began to make an
impassioned distinction . . . between
Kultur and Zivilisation. . . . German Kultur . . . was
said to be concerned with 'inner freedom,' with authenticity, with truth
rather than sham, with essence as opposed to appearance,
with totality rather than the norm. (Eksteins 77, 79)
These were binary poles that English
critics also contested during the time that Howards End
was written and during the years preceding the rise of the Third Reich
and the war that Woolf prefigures so vividly in her final
novel, Between the Acts (1941).
If Howards End presents an English culture
that is ready to disappear in the face of modernity and
global conflict, The Waves chronicles an England two decades later that
emerged from the First World War with the end of its
colonial hegemony, the breakdown of traditional relations
between the sexes, and the frustrations of individuals
who wish in vain for lives like those idealized in Howards End. But
they now live in an England that is no longer a model that
the world can follow or its citizens believe in.
Such thematic elements are as important to
The Waves as they are to Howards End, often in the way
they differ from or invert more traditional modes of narrative
presentation. For instance, four years after focusing so heavily
in To the Lighthouse on the Freudian family drama, Woolf
presents seven characters in The Waves, none of whom
appears to have siblings. Similarly, allusions to parents,
spouses, or children in The Waves tend to be fleeting and mostly
insignificant. We hear early in the novel, for instance,
that Bernard is engaged, but it is not until his final
monologue that he tells us in passing that he has fathered
children. In a strange response to Forster's criticism that she did
not give "life" to her characters, Woolf denies the
characters in The Waves almost all forms of "connection,"
ironically inverting a judgment she makes in her diary
that Forster himself was "aloof" (3: 152). Whereas
Forster portrays the extraordinary power of family bonds in Howards End,
Woolf seems intent in The Waves upon ignoring the
extensive, indeed determinative powers of the family.
In fact, the awareness of separateness and
difference - the movement out of a prelapsarian oneness -
marks the first apprehensions of the characters in The Waves and
remains a driving force throughout the narrative: in his final
monologue, Bernard remembers that, as children, "We
suffered terribly as we became separate bodies" (241).
That experience of separateness does not, however,
acknowledge separation from the mother, since the family scarcely exists
in The Waves. And while Woolf avoids certain inscriptions
of traditional family elements, she does include, as the
first break in the novel, the British compulsion to
separate the sexes during adolescence. The characters' destinies
are henceforth marked by gender, and the schools they attend are
differently endowed. Authority, history, and fellowship
compensate for some of the less positive aspects of the
boys' boarding-school experience. By contrast, the
boarding school of the three girls is like a holding cell: sterile,
confining, regimented. One is reminded of the
descriptions in A Room of One's Own of the differences
between male and female Oxbridge colleges, particularly their
dinner tables. The boys in The Waves are inspired by the speakers
at chapel; they become poets on the river banks, lounging
in friendship amid the luxury of metaphysical
speculations. Woolf clearly envied and idealized the Cambridge
experiences of her brothers and their friends, which she felt had
been denied to her. Moreover, she grants none of the
female characters a destiny she would have desired for
herself (although she does write aspects of herself into each):
Susan the housemother/earthmother; Rhoda the psychological
misfit; Jinny the narcissist. Although Woolf severs her
characters from oppressive Victorian/Edwardian family
structures, she does not incorporate positive plot
options into their adult lives.
This does not mean she treats all
characters with strict evenhandedness. Although unhappy,
Neville has his poetry, and Louis is one of those powerful men who make
the world run. Percival experiences the fate of an
athlete dying young, embalmed forever in the amber of
Victorian masculinity. And Bernard, whose voice
increasingly comes to dominate the novel, completely filling the last 20
percent of it, comes to be a spokesperson for the author.
But his ironic, worldly, and somewhat exhausted wisdom
seems finally based less on Woolf herself and more on her
friend Morgan, in persona, age, and physique, "a rather
heavy, elderly man, grey at the temples" (238). (Forster was in his
early 50s when The Waves was published.(7)) What does this
reliance on Bernard's voice suggest? Is Woolf invoking
Forster's voice, consciously or unconsciously, to
represent a kind of authority? If so, does she, through this
displacement, express envy for the kind of narratorial authority
possible only to a male voice of the dominant culture? Or
is Woolf trying to show us, through Bernard, the failure
of a life lived through the point of view of someone like
Forster?
If we are correct in identifying Bernard
as a kind of doppelganger to Forster, the latter set the
precedent for such a gesture by writing characters reminiscent of
Virginia Stephen and her sisters into his early novels. Indeed,
the Schlegel menage - two young women independently
managing the family resources and directing the education
of their younger brother - seems to be directly modeled
on the Stephen household after Leslie's death. Clearly the freedoms
engendered by the Stephen circle inspired Forster to
present them as viable alternatives to more accepted
social practices. In fact, Forster proffered a more ironic
assessment of the Cambridge experience, as one who had had it himself,
in his portrayal of the solipsistic, hedonistic Tibby
Schlegel (cf. Thoby Stephen, Virginia's older brother who
is usually seen as the model for Percival) in Howards
End.
It is apparent that both Forster and Woolf
coveted certain qualities of the other's life, and that
they enunciated in their novels many of the social concerns that
preoccupied the other. Forster, for example, felt constrained
from creating overtly homosexual characters. Maurice was,
of course, not published until after his death, and the
erotic dimensions in the relationships between characters
of the same sex (as, for example, between Aziz and Fielding in A
Passage to India) were veiled. On the other hand, Woolf, through
the persona of Neville (usually thought to be based on
Lytton Strachey), was able to place a homosexual
character into a normal, rather than an exceptional or ostracized
life.
In a similar paradox, Forster dealt with a
series of feminist issues in Howards End long before they
became a central subject of Woolf's writing. In that novel Forster
obliquely and ironically raises the abiding issue of
primogeniture, even though the Englishwoman's right to
own and bequeath property had been established by law
more than three decades earlier. After exposing the family's collusion
in dismissing the first Mrs. Wilcox's deathbed legacy as
worthless writing on a piece of disposable paper, Forster
delivers his own poetic justice by assuring Margaret's
final ownership of the house. He also champions the right of a
single mother to bear and raise her (illegitimate) child on
English soil in a state of moral impunity. Helen feels
guilt not over her sexual impropriety but over the fact
that she has taken advantage of someone from another, less
protected class. Furthermore, she states at the end that she does not
wish to be married to anyone. Forster also exposes the
Wilcoxes' sexual double standard, and punishes the family
by stripping it of its public powers. In addition, in the
character of Margaret Schlegel he heroicizes a woman who is
neither young nor strikingly attractive nor likely to bear children
(she states her desire not to have children), and he
aligns his narrative voice and his most perspicacious
insights with hers. With the exception of Jacky Bast,
Forster's female characters of 1910 fare better than Woolf's of 1931.(8)
Just as the central voice of Howards End
is that of Margaret Schlegel - whose moral values occupy
the book's center and seem most like those of Forster - in The Waves,
ostensibly written without a narrator in a version of the
dramatized poetic novel, the voice of Bernard
increasingly dominates, his sections becoming longer and
longer, until we overhear the entire final section told in his own
voice. By having Margaret Schlegel unaggressively tame the
powers of patriarchal capitalism (even as she marries
into and accepts its advantages), on the one hand, and by
granting her both aesthetic principles and a rational
consciousness on the other, Forster hails "feminine" qualities that
have nothing to do with fertility, beauty, or youth. Woolf,
in creating Bernard, grants him nurturing qualities more
often associated with women, as for instance when he
comforts Susan in a manner similar to Margaret's
comforting of Helen. Both Bernard and Margaret, aside from speaking as
the respective moral centers of their novels, also serve
a similar, cohesive function in terms of their novels'
plots.
Moreover, Bernard's attachment to the
public role of the British male in the successful
functioning of the British Empire (even at the expense of diminishing
his private life) bears an uncanny resemblance to some of
Forster's characterizations in Howards End. For instance,
as an older man Bernard resembles not only Forster but
Mr. Wilcox and his son Charles. When he receives a
telephone call at breakfast, Bernard entertains the parodic notion that
"it might be (one has these fancies) to assume command of
the British Empire" (261). He identifies sanity, the
entire body functioning properly, with breakfast time:
Opening, shutting; shutting, opening;
eating, drinking; sometimes speaking - the whole
mechanism seemed to expand, to contract, like the mainspring of a clock.
Toast and butter, coffee and bacon, the Times and letters
- suddenly the telephone rang with urgency. (260-61)
Readers will recall that it is during
breakfast at Howards End, following her flirtation with
Paul, that Helen Schlegel realizes she does not belong with the
Wilcoxes, and it is also at a later breakfast that the
Wilcoxes conspire to destroy Mrs. Wilcox's bequest of
Howards End to Margaret.
When we examine other images we also find
some provocative parallels. Procreation clearly stands in
Bernard's consciousness as one's "surrender . . . to the
stupidity of nature" (268). For this reason, among others, we find it
difficult to believe in Bernard as a father. He is at the
book's end a lonely person, unable and unwilling to
connect. When he says "Let me be alone" (294), he reminds
us of Mrs. Moore in A Passage to India, unable to
translate the muddle of life as represented by "ou-boum" and asking
to be left alone. In another sense Bernard also resembles Mr.
Ramsay, with the Berkeleyan nihilism wherein he questions
the existence of the Ding an sich and in his attempts to
reestablish it as a basis for the continuity of experience.
It may well be, however, that in 1910 Forster established the
blueprint for all these characters when he has his
narrator say of Margaret Schlegel that "she had outgrown
stimulants, and was passing from words to things . . .
Some closing of the gate is inevitable after thirty, if the mind itself
is to become a creative power" (206).
While Woolf's overall narrative
conventions show her independence of Forster's genial
prescriptions, Bernard's narrative concerns do echo those of Forster. In
Aspects, for instance, Forster decried the difficulty of
using complex plots without correspondingly intelligent
audiences, pointing out that the average reader is
interested only in a story that progresses along the lines of a
pedestrian, linear chronology, which Forster characterizes with
the image of "and then - and then." In the final section
of The Waves, Bernard more than once uses a similar
figure to describe the passage of life, the equivalent of
Forster's "story." "Nevertheless," Bernard says, "life is
pleasant, life is tolerable. Tuesday follows Monday; then
comes Wednesday" (257). "And then - and then," we clearly hear
in echo, just as we clearly hear Bernard trying out, though
self-consciously, the prophetic voice that Forster
attributes to Dostoyevsky (Aspects 126).
Not only do these novels have themes that
converge, they also share other elements: in particular,
their language and tropes show how the friends functioned as almost
kindred writing spirits. Houses, to which both Woolf and
Forster attach extraordinary significance, seem to
represent for each writer a permanence, reflected in
Helen Schlegel's remark to her sister that "The house has a
surer life than we" (237). The house by the sea that dominates the
interludes of The Waves recalls the St. Ives holiday home
of Virginia's childhood as well as the summer house in To
the Lighthouse, which serves as the quasiprotagonist of
the "Time Passes" section of that novel. And the empty
Howards End, bereft of its tenant, remains the monument if not the
mausoleum of Ruth Wilcox. Indeed, when Margaret visits it for
the first time, the eerie Miss Avery believes that she is
the original Mrs. Wilcox come back from the dead to
return her maternal spirit to the empty house. But it is in
The Waves that Woolf raises the house to its fullest archetypal
dimensions.
In view of Woolf's overwhelming response
to the early death of her mother, many critics have tried
to locate the "absent mother" in the substrata of Woolf's
novels. Certainly the empty house in The Waves broods over the novel in
the guise of a departed mother-spirit much as does the
house bereft of Mrs. Ramsay in "Time Passes." We should
also remember that both Mrs. Ramsay and Mrs. Wilcox die
parenthetical, offstage deaths, and the disembodied house of To
the Lighthouse recalls the fate of Howards End, which remains
unoccupied after Mrs. Wilcox's death until another mother
(Helen) and another matriarch (Margaret) arrive to
regenerate it.(9)
Yet Woolf allows the house in The Waves to
remain disembodied; she does not intend to create the
exemplary house of consciousness. Rather, the house by the sea acts more
like a human intervention against a transitory nature
that also partakes of the eternal, a kind of Ding an
sich. The only female character in the novel who
distinctly occupies a house is Susan, and the implications of Susan's
matriarchy are primarily negative. Her role as house mother
destines her to a primitive, almost visceral subsistence,
with her emotions suffocated and her personality weighed
down by quotidian obligations. Having metonymically
associated "house" with "mother" in To the Lighthouse, in
The Waves Woolf neutralizes those charged associations by leaving the
mother out of the archetypal house entirely. It is an
easier move for Forster to repeople Howards End with the
Schlegel angels because he has sentimentalized his own
childhood in the English countryside; Woolf, on the other hand,
abandons her childhood residence through apostasy, after building
a fictional crypt to her parents' consciousness. In The
Waves Woolf paints the still life of her house in the
changing diurnal light as a series of studies not unlike
those executed by Monet at Etretat and Rouen.(10)
Both Howards End and the house in The
Waves are, then, shells of memory, and if Forster insists
upon regeneration, Woolf allows her house to remain immaculate, purged
of the violent, the visceral, the living. The "house"
that signifies for Woolf is the house of the mortal body
represented repeatedly (in the interludes) in its
vulnerability by the shell of a snail broken open by a bird
that spears the soft flesh inside. Bernard himself peoples this
microcosmic house when he hears the "tap, tap, tap of the
remorseless beaks of the young" (The Waves 288), and
realizes that the oncoming generations signal his own
impending death.
Needless to say, when Bernard finally
enters the "dry, uncompromising, inhabited house" near
the end of The Waves, it does not vibrate with the interaction
of the living and the inanimate as do the ultimate furnishings and
residents of Howards End (254). Much of Bernard's final
soliloquy involves, in fact, a rejection of the domestic
in his self-image of the domesticated man: "Was there no
sword," he says, "nothing with which to batter down these
walls, this protection, this begetting of children and living behind
curtains . . .?" (266) And it is with the flat of the
Schlegels' ancestral sword that Charles Wilcox attacks
Leonard Bast in an ironic defense of the English moral
values that arise from property - including the sexual purity of female
family members. The image of the sword, in its flourish,
is somewhat reminiscent of the language Forster idealized
in a letter to Woolf during their exchange about Aspects
of the Novel:
I find the continentals greater than the
English not because Flaubert got hung but because Tolstoy
etc., could vitalize guillotines etc., as well as tea-tables, could
command certain moods or deeds which our domesticity leads us
to shun as false. (qtd. in Furbank 146)
Our final points of comparison touch on
what may be the deepest sources of similarity between the
two writers: their use of imagery and their attempts to create powerful
archetypes for both "life" and England. We shall solidify
these points of comparison with evidence of remarkable
parallels between the works each writer composed at the
end of the 1930s, prefiguring the apparently inevitable
approach of another world war. Shakespeare scholars often refer to
the "matter of England," meaning by this the material drawn
from chronicles of British history that the playwright
used in his dramas. Forster and Woolf make their own use
of an equivalent "matter of England," demonstrating an
abiding concern with English history, landscape, and
character. Take, for instance, their contrasting attitudes toward
London. If the country house stands as one site of
Forster's ode to England, the streets of Bernard's London
(and Clarissa Dalloway's, for that matter) represent, for
Woolf, the living force of English culture. A central subtext of
Bernard's soliloquy is Woolf's own ode to England,
expressed through Bernard's wandering in London - a
celebration of the urban experience that Woolf attempted in a
number of other novels, beginning as early as the opening chapter
of The Voyage Out, in Mrs. Ambrose's revelation that
London consists of more than the West End. If Woolf fails
in that passage to capture the Dickensian diversity of the
great city, she comes closer to succeeding in Bernard's rendition of
London as "the pageant of existence" passing through him
(270).(11) Unlike either of the Schlegel sisters, Bernard
seems unconcerned by - indeed, even immune to - the
complexities of London's real estate; Margaret, in marrying Mr.
Wilcox, marries not only a house but property and a landed social
class.
Woolf's biographers record that her
protectors often considered London to be a source of
overstimulation for their ward's fragile emotional state; they often
removed her to the country to allow her to recover from
the excesses of urban life. While Bernard is clearly
exhilarated by the panorama of London life, he also
manages to maintain a panoptic distance from it, which allows him to
retain mastery over his experience.(12) Moreover, through
a classically modernist self-mockery (242, opening
paragraph), he avoids losing consciousness completely in
the waves of successive impressions that he fashions and that
overcome him; in contrast, for instance, to the extremely fragile
Rhoda, who in so many ways resembles her creator.
While Woolf executes her contrasts
primarily through metaphor, Forster characteristically
works more by direct statement. Here are a few examples of his attempts
to situate the countryside and London historically and
thematically. First is a description of London in
relation to the Schlegels, in which Forster presents the
city as being "emblematic of their lives." "The literature
of the near future," his narrator claims, "will probably ignore the
country and seek inspiration from the town." The general
public he characterizes as "Victorian, while London is
Georgian" (84). In the famous passage on the Purbeck
Hills, Forster takes us by panorama from city to country
to city again, showing the immense interconnectedness of everything
English (131-32).
Later in the chapter, Margaret Schlegel,
becoming more and more the novel's central voice,
characterizes the Wilcoxes to her sister:
If Wilcoxes hadn't worked and died in
England for thousands of years, you and I couldn't sit
here without having our throats cut. There would be no trains, no ships
to carry us literary people about in, no fields even.
Just savagery. (137-38)
The narrator states at the end of chapter
21 that the Wilcoxes will "inherit the earth" (146). We
see Forster striving to define a British character worthy
of a world-class literature, simultaneously rejecting attributes that
might be deemed dainty or domestic (feminine) rather than
grand or worldly (masculine):
Why has not England a great mythology? Our
folklore has never advanced beyond daintiness, and the
greater melodies about our countryside have all issued through the
pipes of Greece. . . . England still waits for the supreme
moment of her literature - for the great poet who shall
voice her. . . . (210-11)
In her most poetic novel Virginia Woolf
may well have been responding to that call.
Woolf uses more indirect strategies,
particularly after her first two novels. By the time she
writes The Waves she has submerged any message about England into the
dramatization of her characters and, by the end, into the
lonely voice of Bernard speaking to an implied
listener.(13) Woolf dramatizes her message about the fate
of England by presenting characters from middle-class circumstances,
each representing a particular personality type rather than
a serious cross-section of British society. She makes
clear the relative privileges accorded the two sexes,
gives a historical panorama of gender relations during
the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, shows the changing
relationship of the colonies to the patria in the character
of Louis, and almost parodies the imminent decline of
England as a colonial power in the death of Percival
while riding a horse in India. Bernard speaks in the fatigued
voice of a man of rich sensibility who has grown cynical and
demoralized about city life and his own failure to
"connect," and Woolf lets him end the novel with words
that are replete with irony as he echoes "The Charge of
the Light Brigade" (a poem Mr. Ramsay and Leslie Stephen both
loved).(14)
Only the brief, italicized voice of the
interlude follows Bernard's lines, returning us to the
eternal recurrence of the sea, an image that Forster uses in the opening
chapter of Howards End, as Margaret Schlegel feels the
sea's presence even in London: "One had the sense of a
backwater, or rather of an estuary, whose waters flowed
in from the invisible sea, and ebbed into a profound silence
while the waves without were still beating" (4). For Woolf the sea's
voice is an objective, unchanging standard against which
to measure the passage of time and human lives. Even
within the apparently anonymous, transcendent voice of
the Interludes, however, Woolf's own preoccupation with the "matter of
England" reveals itself when she says that "the sun struck
at English fields" (149, italics added). Forster also
uses images of eternal recurrence, as in the final
chapter of Howards End when he relies on the eternal
round of seasons to lend stability to the odd Schlegel-Wilcox-Bast(ard)
menage: "July would follow with the little red poppies
among the wheat, August with the cutting of the wheat,"
and a few lines later, "The noise of the cutter came
intermittently, like the breaking of waves" (265, italics
added).
It is remarkable how even a casual
chronological alignment of Woolf's and Forster's thematic
concerns reveals their continuing preoccupation with the "matter of
England" a decade after publication of The Waves. We shall
conclude by examining the interplay between two texts - a
pageant by Forster called England's Pleasant Land (which
the Woolfs published in 1940 at the Hogarth Press) and
Woolf's final novel, Between the Acts (published posthumously the
following year). It is our final example of the dialogue that
Forster and Woolf conducted for almost three decades.
England's Pleasant Land is a conventional example of its
genre, a celebration over a broad historical panorama of what
Forster saw as basic to the English countryside and character.(15)
During a series of historical moments he presents the
same village characters as if they were timeless and
immortal, using the kind of village procession that functions
as continuous background in Between the Acts. These characters are
timeless, but as the historical situations change, they
are forced to enact the roles placed upon them by
circumstance. Enlivened by Forster's often biting irony,
the script portrays the steady rise of the lower classes against the
will of the upper, and yet it also demonstrates the
eternal domination of the weak by the strong. England's
Pleasant Land was initially presented on the grounds of a
country home, Milton Court, between Dorking and Westcott, with
airplanes passing by overhead and, of course, it was
interrupted by rain (England's Pleasant Land 8).
Does this sound familiar? It is almost
descriptive of the setting of Between the Acts, including
the interruption by rainfall, the setting of an elegant country home,
and the village procession. Certainly the irony of Woolf's
1930 claim of Forster's previous influence over her work
gains resonance when we consider the historical sequence
of these two texts. We should also remember that by this
time Forster had long since given up writing novels. It is typical of
their relationship that Woolf takes matter that Forster
has used, perhaps helping to edit it; but then she
transmutes the idea, even creating a homosexual, the
lesbian Miss LaTrobe, to be in charge of both writing and directing the
pageant within the novel. Because he outlived Woolf,
Forster had the final word, eulogizing his friend in the
Rede Lecture at Cambridge after her death. But in her art
Woolf - by transmuting such unlikely stuff into a novel that not only
celebrates England but gives us a strong sense of the
impending doom that she foresaw in The Waves - might well
have established mastery over her most enduring literary
friend and competitor.
NOTES
1 See Gish for a discussion of the
gendered nature of Forster's description.
2 Woolf first published "Is Fiction an
Art" in the New York Herald Tribune, 16 October 1927. In
1928, the year after Forster delivered the Clark Lectures and
published them as Aspects of the Novel, Woolf published Orlando, a
novel that is self-consciously vast, spanning several
countries and centuries. In one sense Orlando may be a
response to Forster's comments on the provinciality of
the English novel. It is also likely that Woolf could not resist a coded
riposte to Forster about the place of "life" in the
novel. Discussing such matters in the context of Orlando
has an obvious double edge, since a "life" is also a
biography.
3 According to Furbank, Forster was
reacting to the shortened version published in The
Nation/Athenaeum 12 Nov. 1927. Woolf discusses this exchange at some
length in a diary entry:
An odd incident, psychologically... has
been Morgan's serious concern about my article on him.
Did I care a straw what he said about me? Was it more laudatory? Yet
here is this self-possessed, aloof man taking every word
to heart, cast down to the depths, apparently, because I
do not give him superlative rank, & writing again & again
to ask about it, or suggest about it, anxious that it shall be
published in England. . . . Had I been asked, I should have said
that of all writers he would be the most indifferent &
cool under criticism. And he minds a dozen times more
than I do, who have the opposite reputation. (3: 152).
4 See "Jane Austen: The Letters" in
Abinger Harvest 155-64.
5 In a prescient early essay published in
1937, Derek Traversi suggested the closeness in
"technical devices" of Forster and Woolf.
6 Most of Forster's political essays are
collected in Two Cheers for Democracy.
7 We are not surprised, then, that Forster
cites and commends Bernard in the closing passage of the
Rede Lecture, his final statement on Woolf: "The best I can do is
quote Bernard again . . . Bernard puts it so well" (Two Cheers
258).
8 See Langland for an excellent reading of
the sexual politics of Howards End.
9 Both houses are prepared for reoccupancy
by housekeepers, Miss Avery in Howards End and Mrs. McNab
in To the Lighthouse, the latter of whom is helped by a woman named
Mrs. Bast.
10 In Forster's 1941 Rede Lecture on Woolf
he compares "Kew Gardens" and "The Mark on the Wall" to
impressionist painting: "Lovely little things, but they
seemed to lead nowhere, they were all tiny dots and coloured
blobs" (Two Cheers 246, our emphasis). Coupled with the accuracy of
his description of Woolf's technique is Forster's failure
to appreciate it as technique.
11 A variation on this image of "the
pageant of existence" is identifiable in Forster's work
as early as 1905, in his first novel, Where Angels Fear to
Tread, when Philip Herriton comments at one of the moral cruxes of the
novel: "I seem fated to pass through the world without
colliding with it or moving it... life to me is just a
spectacle" (151).
12 See how Woolf transmutes the idea of
spectacle when she has Bernard muse in The Waves: "But
for a moment I had sat on the turf somewhere high above the flow of
the sea and the sounds of the woods, had seen the house, the
garden, and the waves break" (287); and "When I look down
from this transcendency, how beautiful are even the
crumbled relics of bread!" (290). Note the similarity to
Philip Herriton's comment quoted in note 11.
13 "Now to sum up," said Bernard. "Now to
explain to you the meaning of my life. Since we do not
know each other (though I met you once I think on board a ship
going to Africa) we can talk freely" (238).
14 "Death is the enemy. It is death
against whom I ride with my spear couched and my hair
flying back like a young man's, like Percival's, when he galloped in
India. I strike spurs into my horse. Against you I will
fling myself, unvanquished and unyielding, O Death!"
(297).
15 Forster seems to have enjoyed writing
in this ephemeral genre. See "The Abinger Pageant"
(1934), in Abinger Harvest, 347-63. He may also have been
influenced by the pageants he observed during his lengthy stays in
India.
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