Eating people is wrong – isn’t it?
This past weekend, I
participated in a conference at Boston University about James Fitzjames
Stephen, the Victorian lawyer, judge, journalist, and--last but not least--devastating
critic of John Stuart Mill, especially the Mill of On Liberty--the Mill,
that is to say, who is a darling of leftists, libertarians, and others whose
chief moral principle that everyone should be allowed to do as he please just
so long as he doesn’t hurt others.
Talking about
Stephen to a crowd that was mostly suspicious (at best) of this conservative
giant, I was reminded of Armin Meiwes, the German cannibal who managed to
polish off quite a lot of Bernd Brandes before being apprehended by the police.
I wrote about the case when it fluttered through the news cycle a year or so
ago. Considering the undimmed popularity of Mill’s libertarianism, it seemed
worth reposting that earlier musing (first posted on 1.7.2004):
Probably the best thing
about Malcolm Bradbury’s novel Eating People is Wrong is its title, but
even that, I fear, may soon seem less brilliant than it once did. The title
works so well because, by slapping you in the face with the
obvious--cannibalism is a seriously bad thing--it manages to insinuate a comic
element of doubt: the declaration "Eating People is Wrong" somehow
shades into "Eating People is Wrong (Isn’t It?)." The tension between
innate conviction (eating people really is wrong) and the momentary fluttering
of doubt produces the hilarity. [Note: several readers have written to chide me
for not mentioning that the origin of Bradbury’s phrase is from Flanders and
Swann’s classic album "At the Drop of a Hat"; the relevance to the
matter at hand may be remote, but I should not pass up any opportunity to
recommend that great duo from the 1950s.]
But who says that
that conviction is innate? There is a certain type of academic today who loves
quoting Montaigne’s essay "Of Cannibals" in order to demonstrate how
liberated he is (and how liberated you should be) from the narrow, bourgeois
conventions of your society. After all, even cannibals have feelings, and there
is a sense, Montaigne tweaks us by observing, in which we "surpass them in
every kind of barbarity."
Well, my view is
that Montaigne’s essay works by assuming the same sort of background conviction
that Bradbury’s title assumes: the essay is piquantly shocking because, of
course, cannibalism really is the very archetype of barbarism and savagery.
Montaigne’s point about the relativity of moral conventions--wearing clothes,
for example, or polygamy--is subtly reinforced by that bedrock moral fact.
But again, who says
it is a fact? (Is there such a thing as a "moral fact"? I think so
but . . . ) I am moved to ponder these questions by Theodore Dalrymple’s
splendid Montagaine-like essay "The Case for Cannibalism" in the
current City Journal, a magazine that you should know if you don’t. Mr.
Dalrymple begins by considering the case of Armin Meiwes, the German cannibal
who killed and managed to consume at least 44 pounds of Bernd Brandes’s flesh.
It was a match made, not in heaven, but on the Internet. Herr Meiwes advertised
for "a young, well-built man who wants to be eaten," Herr Brandes
responded. The two were clearly meant for each other. Upon learning that they
both smoked, Mr. Dalrymple tells us, Herr Meiwes is said to have remarked,
"Good, smoked meat lasts longer."
I am sorry to report
that a German psychiatrist has concluded that Herr Meiwes--who is now in custody--suffers
from "emotional problems." Poor thing. Happily, Bernd Brandes’s
problems are all behind him now--behind Herr Meiwes, too, I suppose. We can
only hope that the German doctors can help Herr Meiwes come to terms with his
problems and develop a positive attitude about himself.
In the meantime, Mr.
Dalrymple raises an interesting question: namely, why not? That is, What’s
wrong with Armin Meiwes eating Bernd Brandes--always assuming, of course, that
Herr Brandes has no objection? "The case," Mr. Dalrymple writes,
raises interesting
questions of principle, even for those who take the thoroughly conventional
view that eating people is wrong. According to the evidence, Meiwes and Brandes
were consenting adults: by what right, therefore, has the state interfered in
their slightly odd relationship?
While you are
restocking your pipe and muttering "Yes, but . . . ," consider this
key passage from John Stuart Mill’s On Liberty (1859), a bible of modern
liberalism:
The object of this
essay is to assert one very simple principle, as entitled to govern absolutely
the dealings of society with the individual in the way of compulsion and
control, whether the means used be physical force in the form of legal
penalties or the moral coercion of public opinion. That principle is that the
sole end for which mankind are warranted, individually or collectively, in
interfering with the liberty of action of any of their number is
self-protection. That the only purpose for which power can be rightfully
exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will, is to
prevent harm to others. His own good, either physical or moral, is not a
sufficient warrant.
Let’s emphasize
Mill’s overriding point by repeating the end: "the only purpose for which
power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilized community,
against his will, is to prevent harm to others. His own good, either physical
or moral, is not a sufficient warrant." In case that is not sufficiently
clear, Mill says similar things throughout the course of his essay, just to be
certain that we get his point: "society has no business as society
to decide anything to be wrong which concerns only the individual."
Mill’s essay is a
plea for "originality," "eccentricity,"
"innovation," and the like. "The amount of eccentricity in a
society," he wrote, "has generally been proportional to the amount of
genius, mental vigor, and moral courage it contained." In Mill’s view, the
great enemy of genius, mental vigor, etc. was mankind’s addiction to customary
ways of behaving and understanding the world. Accordingly, Mill was at pains to
castigate the "despotism of custom [that] is everywhere the standing
hindrance to human advancement," the "tyranny of opinion" that
makes it so difficult for "the progressive principle" to flourish.
The "greater part of the world," Mill argued "has, properly
speaking, no history because the sway of custom has been complete." What
was needed, he said in the book’s most famous phrase, were "experiments in
living" that had thrown off the chains of the customary, the conventional,
the taken-for-granted.
So, was Herr Meiwes
within his rights when he made a meal of his new friend? If Mill was right that
"the sole end for which mankind are warranted, individually or
collectively, in interfering with the liberty of action of any of their number
is self-protection," then I think we have to pass Herr Meiwes the salt and
pepper and wish him bon appetit.
But was Mill right?
In this latitudinarian age it is tantamount to heresy to suggest otherwise, but
I believe that the sorry spectacle of Meiwes saut�ing bits of Herr Brandes
shows that, yes, Mill’s "one very simple principle" was not merely
simplistic but wrong, indeed preposterous.
It is not without
irony that Mill’s libertarian doctrine, which demands that we free ourselves
from prejudice and convention, should have become enshrined as the dominant
moral prejudice of the age. It is simply taken for granted these days that one
"has a right" to do whatever one wants so long as one doesn’t harm
others.
I have argued
against Mill at length in my book Experiments Against Reality. Here I
will briefly quote one of Mill’s most articulate critics, James Fitzjames
Stephen, whose book Liberty, Equality, Fraternity (1873) made mincemeat of
Mill’s argument but which--such is the power of convention, prejudice,
etc.--has been all but forgotten. (Stephen, incidentally, was the brother of
Leslie Stephen, the great English man of letters, and hence Virginia Woolf’s
uncle: how Stephen would have loathed Bloomsbury and everything it stood for.)
As Stephen points
out, Mill’s doctrine of liberty boils down to the exhortation: Let everyone
please himself in any way he likes so long as he does not hurt his neighbor.
According to Mill, any moral system that aimed at more--that aimed, for
example, at improving the moral character of society at large or the
individuals in it--would be wrong in principle. (I should note, however, that
Mill did not hold to this radical doctrine consistently. In a letter of 1829,
for example, he wrote in direct contradiction to the position he put forward in
On Liberty, that "government exists for all purposes whatever that
are for man’s good: and the highest and most important of these purposes is the
improvement of man himself as a moral and intelligent being.") But Mill’s
view, Stephen notes, would "condemn every existing system of morals."
Strenuously preach
and rigorously practise the doctrine that our neighbor’s private character is
nothing to us, and the number of unfavorable judgments formed, and therefore
the number of inconveniences inflicted by them can be reduced as much as we
please, and the province of liberty can be enlarged in corresponding ratio.
Does any reasonable man wish for this? Could anyone desire gross
licentiousness, monstrous extravagance, ridiculous vanity, or the like, to be
unnoticed, or, being known, to inflict no inconveniences which can possibly be
avoided?
"The custom of
looking upon certain courses of conduct with aversion," Stephen notes, "is
the essence of morality." This is why Mill’s famous distinction between
"self-regarding" and "other-regarding" acts is
"radically vicious. It assumes that some acts regard the agent only, and
that some regard other people. In fact, by far the most important part of our
conduct regards both ourselves and others."
As Stephen observes,
"men are so closely connected together that it is quite impossible to say
how far the influence of acts apparently of the most personal character may
extend." The splendid isolation that Mill’s imperative requires is a
chimera. Individuals exist not in autonomous segregation but in a network of
relationships. Thus it is, as Stephen argues, that
every human creature
is deeply interested not only in the conduct, but in the thoughts, feelings,
and opinions of millions of persons who stand in no other assignable relation
to him than that of being his fellow-creatures. A great writer who makes a
mistake in his speculations may mislead multitudes whom he has never seen. The
strong metaphor that we are all members one of another is little more than the
expression of a fact. A man would be no more a man if he was alone in the world
than a hand would be a hand without the rest of the body.
Well, there is more
to say, but it is worth pondering what Mill would have had to say to Herr
Meiwes. Some people like their steak well-done, some like it rare. Some,
apparently, like it cut from the flanks of their friends. So long as the friend
doesn’t mind, who are we to judge? You see what Stephen meant when he observed
that "Complete moral tolerance is possible only when men have become
completely indifferent to each other--that is to say, when society is at an
end."
Published by
Roger Kimball
Apr
12, 2005 08:57 AM in New Criterion
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