Learning to become an alcohol user:
Adolescents taking risks and parents living with uncertainty
Jeanette Østergaard*
For presentation to ‘Exploding methods’
20th of September 2007
*Department of Sociology,
Please do not quote. All corresponding to: jo@sociology.ku.dk. The following are extracts from a lengthier article that I just finished
writing. Readers who are interested in the article in its full length are very
welcome to contact me at to the above mentioned email.
Abstract
This article investigates how adolescents aged 14-16
learn to become alcohol users in a country like
(born in 1989). The
qualitative data consists of 28 focus group interviews with adolescents in the
eighth and ninth grade in different parts of Denmark and eight focus group
interviews with parents who have a child aged 14-16. The method used for
combining the qualitative and quantitative material is Becker’s idea of the
orderly sequence model of the three learning steps and Abbott’s argument (1992)
that quantitative data analysis should focus more on process, the story, and
less on discovering causality. In this sense, the article follows Becker’s
argument that interpretations of ‘hard findings’ rely on “the less easily
measured, though still easily observed aspects of social life.”(Becker
1993:222)
“…I never really did work on deviance as such. What
happened was I did my master’s thesis on musicians. After
I got out of school, I did the marijuana study, which
I
wanted to do because I read Alfred Lindesmith’s
book on
opium and addiction and thought, This is really terrific I
could do the same thing with marijuana. It’ll be
interesting
because it’s not addictive. It’ll be kind of an interesting
comparison.” Interview with Howard Becker (Plummer et
al 2003:22).
INTRODUCTION
Half a century ago, when Howard Becker wrote ‘Becoming
a Marihuana User’ (1953) he was inspired by Lindesmith’s
study on opium. Likewise, Becker’s study is the inspiration for this article.
The aim is to reveal that while there is a certain road to becoming a
recreational marihuana user, there is a similar road to becoming a recreational
alcohol user. Compared to other European countries, the road to becoming an
alcohol user begins at a relative young age in
wrote the book ‘Outsiders’1. Even though Becker’s labelling theory has aroused
much criticism for instance for neglecting dimensions of power and for siding
with the ‘underdog’ deviants (Fox 1996), the purpose of his article is first
and foremost to describe the process of learning to use a psychoactive drug on
a recreational2 basis. And
precisely because Becker is describing this path it is possible to compare the
road to learning to use an illicit drug (marihuana) with learning to use a
licit drug (alcohol).
When Danish adolescents are 14-16 years old, drinking
alcohol is not novel as a majority has tasted alcohol before the age of 13 (Due
& Holstein 2002). However, the experience of intoxication
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1 ‘Becoming a
marihuana user’ was first published in the American Journal of Sociology,
book ‘Outsiders’ (1963) was published.
2 The concept of
recreational users is defined in sharp contrast to misusers
or addicts. As Lindesmith is arguing, in
formulating a sociological theory of drug addiction, addiction is
when pleasure, which might have been established in
the initial phase, no longer holds true (Lindesmith 1938:596). Becker takes this as his point of departure,
as he argues
that the purpose of the paper is ‘to describe the sequence
of changes in attitude and experiences which lead to the use of
marihuana for pleasure’ (Becker 1953:235).
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is new (Gundelach & Järvinen 2006, Hibell et al.
2004). Hence between the age of 14-16, Danish adolescents, like the novice
marijuana user, find themselves in a situation, where they must learn to
recognise and handle the effect of intoxication. In fact they must learn to
handle intoxication caused by heavy alcohol consumption, because Danish
adolescents’ way of consuming alcohol can be characterised as extensive
drunkenness (Room and Mäkela 2000, Ahlström et al. 2004; Demant
& Østergaard 2006).
The intoxicated state as described by Becker could be
seen as quite different from alcohol
intoxication, because the two drugs have different psychoactive
effects (Plant and Plant 2002) and there are different socially and culturally
learned ways of enhancing the desired and appropriate intoxicated behaviour (Orcutt 1978). Hence the intoxicated state of marihuana is
usually described as ‘internally oriented’ whereas the intoxicated state of
alcohol are usually described as more ‘externally oriented’ (i.e. alcohol will
encourage sociable interpersonal behaviour) (ibid:386).
However, despite these differences Becker’s three learning steps can still be
applied as a common denominator, because no matter whether one is a novice marihuana
or alcohol user, one still has to 1) learn the techniques to produce the real
effects (i.e. getting drunk), 2) learn to perceive the effects and connect them
with the drug use, and 3) learn to enjoy the feeling of being intoxicated
(Becker 1953:235).
Secondly, 50 years ago, in a rebellious act against that time’s image and approach to
drug use, Becker introduced the pleasure of drug taking (O’Malley 2004). Since
then research has only to a limited degree focused on ‘drug use and pleasure’ (Measham et al. 2001; O’Malley 2004, 1998; Parker 2005; Calafat 2001) compared to the attention given to ‘drug use
and risk’ (Bjarnason 2005; Dobson et al. 2006; Peretti-Watal 2003b, Leigh 1999). In the slipstream of Ulrick Beck (1992) and Giddens
(1992, 1994) the dominating approach has been ‘risk management’ and ‘risk
assessments’ (Fox 1999; Hunt 2007). Hence a final and important reason for
using Becker as inspiration is to add the notion of pleasure in understanding
how recreational drug use is learned among adolescents. The article will draw
on a combination of quantitative and qualitative material.
LEARNING CONTROLLED ALCOHOL USE
[TO THE READER: The theoretical discussion is left out
in order minimize the number of words. The interested reader is very welcome to
email me and receive the paper in its full length].
THE PRESENT STUDY
The aim of this article is three-fold. First of all,
by following Becker’s three learning steps, learning the techniques,
learning to perceive the effects and learning to enjoy the effects,
the aim is to show that like there is a career into non-conventional
drug use (Pedersen 1998; Parker 1998 et al; Parker 2005), there is a
career into conventional licit drug use. As studies from both the
The second aim of the article is to integrate Becker’s
theory with the argument of ‘controlled loss of control’. In comparison to the
Finally, in placing the sequential model of the
recreational drug user in a broader context
(Becker 1963:61), Becker draws attention to how
continuous drug use also depends on a number of external factors, one of them being
availability and accessibility of the drug (see also Parker 2005). At the age
of 16, it is legal for Danish adolescents to purchase alcohol (both spirits and
beer), but even for under-age adolescents there seems to be few obstacles to
getting hold of alcohol (either from the store or from parents) (Jørgensen et al. 2006; Gundelach
and Järvinen 2006). Hence at the age of 14-16, the
act of experimenting with alcohol can hardly be labelled criminal or deviant.
In fact, in light of the percentage of abstainers in the general population, it
might be more accurate to approach ‘not drinking alcohol’ as rule-breaking
behaviour and therefore boldly label this as ‘deviant behaviour’ in
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3 The concept
‘demystify’ is used deliberately instead of the concept normalisation (Parker
2005; Peretti-Watal 2003b)
as alcohol is a (normal) aspect of adults’ everyday life
(Eurobarometer 2007).
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(Demant and Järvinen 2006), but also representative of the adult
population (Järvinen 2003;
Elmeland 1996), and in particular among teenage parents (Järvinen and Østergaard 2006). Hence the final and third aim of trying to grasp how
Danish adolescents become alcohol users at a relatively young age is to
investigate how parents teach them ‘the controlled use of alcohol’. [TO THE READER:The hypothesis are left
out]
DATA AND METHOD
Three different data sets are used to test the
hypotheses. Of greatest importance are analyses based on data from a survey on
adolescent drinking habits, which was conducted under a major Danish research
project on ‘Youth and Alcohol’(The PUNA survey) (Gundelach and Järvinen 2006). In
January
paper will draw on two different sets of qualitative
material, 8 focus group interviews with parents (n=50) who had one child in the
14-16 age group, and 28 focus group interviews with adolescents (n=117) aged
14-16 (Morgan 1997). The focus group interviews with parents were mainly
conducted to elaborate on the results of the survey study (Morgan 1998). Via
the school teachers of a year group of 9th grade students, the parents of the adolescents were
approached by personal letter. The 28 focus group interviews with adolescents
were conducted by Demant (see also Demant & Järvinen 2006; Demant & Østergaard 2007) as
part of the research project Youth and Alcohol (PUNA) (Gundelach
and Järvinen 2006). [TO the READER:left out more details about the focus group study…]
The method used to combine the quantitative and
qualitative material can be described as an analysis of ‘orderly sequence’
(Becker 1963). This approach is inspired by Becker’s sequential model (Peretti-Watel 2003a), but also by Abbott (1992), who argues
that quantitative analysis should focus more on describing narrative sequences
and less on discovering causality. Hence the different materials are not used
to validate each other, but used in such a way that they tell the story – the
‘orderly sequence model’ – of how to become an alcohol user. In this way the
narratives behind the numbers are revealed. Quantitative data are not that
different from qualitative data as they are also objects of narrative
interpretations (Kritzer 1996).
Mixed methods were also applied in a large
international research project on risk and control in the recreational drug
culture (see Calafat 2001). Their main focus is
illicit drug use (especially ecstasy) among young adults. However, inspired by
Becker they divide the young adults into different user groups depending on
their frequency of drug use (ibid: 38). Likewise, the adolescents participating
in the PUNA survey will be categorised into four user groups based on their
drinking experiences. However, for comparison between novices and connoisseurs,
only adolescents attending the 9th grade will be selected for the analysis (n=1219). The
four different user groups can be described as follows: The abstainers (11%)
are those who have never consumed alcohol; the novices (16%) are those
who have consumed one unit of alcohol, but never been intoxicated. The occasional
(28%) users are those who have been intoxicated, but haven’t been binge
drinking (5+ units) within the previous 30 days. The regular users (45%)
are defined as those who have been binge drinking once or more within the
previous 30 days. Hence regular use does not refer to
systematic and daily use of alcohol, but to regular heavy
weekend consumption4. The distinction between occasional and regular users is
supported by the fact that regular users report first intoxication at a much
younger age than occasional users5, and
have been more frequently intoxicated within the last year.
Contingency tables based on the Pearson chi squared
statistic and - in the case of two ordinal or binary variables - the
g-coefficients are used for measuring the degree of association between user
groups and diverse indicators of the three learning steps. In case of
continuous variables, t-tests are used for comparison of means in the various
groups and in variables measuring before and after an event. An exploratory
factor analysis (a principal component method with varimax
rotation) is used to identify specific risk dimensions among eight indicator
variables. All analyses were computed using SPSS.
LEARNING THE
DRINKING TECHNIQUES
[TO THE READER: LEFT OUT]
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
4 Binge-drinking
adolescents, however, would most likely not define themselves as regular users
as this term has strong
connotations of addiction. They would more likely see themselves
as experimental users, which in fact is in agreement
with Becker’s use of the concept regular user. However
defining binge drinking adolescents as regular users
corresponds to how that consuming rather large amounts of alcohol
is now socially acceptable in many western
industrialised countries (Sheehan et al. 2001).
5 Among the regular
users 29% experienced their first intoxication at the age of 13 or younger.
Among the occasional
users only 13% experienced their first intoxication at this
age (g= 0,3 p < 0,001)
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Drinking techniques: the parents’ perspective
[TO THE READER: LEFT OUT]
Learning the drinking techniques: the adolescents’
perspective
[TO THE READER: LEFT OUT]
LEARNING TO
PERCEIVE THE EFFECTS
[TO THE READER: LEFT OUT]
Learning to recognise ‘how to be’
[TO THE READER: LEFT OUT]
LEARNING TO TAKE RISK
WITH ALCOHOL
According to Becker, the premises for learning to
enjoy the effects are that the initial negative experiences, such as dizziness,
sickness, and no sense of time or distance, are turned into positive ones. In
the following it will be tested (3a, 3b and 3c), whether having many negative
experiences is more common among the regular users and what type of risk-taking
action is most common. Then it is discussed how adolescents and their parents
perceive these negative experiences as part of the process of demystify alcohol
use.
In the focus group interviews, the adolescents
describe their many unpleasant experiences
with alcohol and how they have seen their friends getting
sick, etc. The more common experiences are feeling uncomfortable, throwing up
and not remembering one’s acts, whereas the more severe experiences are
shivering, passing out, being taken to the hospital for observation or pumped
out. The survey shows the same pattern as the two most common reported negative
experiences are throwing up and feeling loss of control. As hypothesised, the
regular users have to a much greater extent experienced loss of control (i.e.
throwing up is also considered loss of control). Figure 2 reveals how 75% of
the regular users have experienced getting sick from alcohol and 64% feel they
have lost control at one point. In contrast 49% and 42%, respectively of the
occasional users have
experienced these two risk factors. And close to none of the
novices have experienced taking risk with alcohol6. Few ,but still a
considerable proportion, have experienced to be seriously injured and getting
into a fight. The regular users predominately account for these negative
experiences.
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6 The abstainers
were not asked about alcohol-related negative experiences.
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As hypothesised, boys and girls report having
different negative experiences with alcohol (se appendix A,
table 1.4). The regularly using boys have to a far greater extent experienced
getting into a fight. The regularly and occasionally using girls, on the
contrary, have to a greater extent experienced regretting making out with
someone. Hence it seems that risk-taking actions associated with alcohol are
also intertwined in traditional gender roles – girls have to a higher degree
than boys regretted sexual contact, whereas it is mainly the boys (although
still very few of them) who end up fighting. However, it is not the case that
boys have lost control to a higher degree than girls. In contrast this is
reported particularly by the regularly using girls. This might be explained by
the fact that the girls worry more about losing control than the boys, and
therefore are more attentive towards it. After all, the consequences of losing
control could be said to be more decisive for the girls, since their boundaries
are tighter, as Measham (2002) suggests in her study.
The fact that the regular users top the list in figure
2 could be an outcome of they, on average, begin their journey to become
alcohol users approximately 47 months before the occasional users. Hence regularly
using adolescents have been drinking for a longer period, which might explain
why
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7 The average age
for intoxication debut is 14 years and 2 months for the occasional users and 13
years and 10 months for the regular users.
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two thirds of them have experienced to get sick from alcohol.
Another explanation is that as they began to drink at a younger age, they were
less aware of the effects of alcohol (for instance also about the
above-mentioned drinking techniques). However, a final and perhaps the most
significant explanation of the high number of risk-taking actions among the
regular users is the general belief among both parents and adolescents that
learning to become an alcohol user requires that one is experimenting, with
losing control as the premise for learning to gain control. As some of the
girls suggest when asked, in the focus group interviews, whether they can find
their own boundaries:
E(g): //Well, there is kind of like a boundary, but it’s
not like I’ve tried to lie there
throwing up.
T(g): You need to have that experience
J(g): You have to try it, I think. It must be tried one
time before you know it [the
boundary]. Because next time I’m drinking, I know how much to
drink.
E(g): Yes because it does happen, from time to time,
right?
J(g):It can happen to everyone!
E(g): There are some for whom it is more difficult to
acknowledge their boundaries
[looks at T], right, isn’t
there?
In the initial phase, losing control is the way to
find one’s boundary and become a connoisseur. However, as the girls are saying,
it must just not happen too often, especially if one is a girl, which, as
mentioned above, is something both boys and girls agree on.
Although it is expected (by the adolescents) and to
some degree accepted (by the parents) that adolescents engage in these risk-taking
actions, it is not without worries and concerns from parents (and as we shall
see later from the novices and occasional users). In the following quote a
mother is describing her vivid experience of when her daughter was heavily
intoxicated for the second time:
L(w): I was very scared and said: you will NOT do that
again [referring to the first time her
daughter was very drunk]. And then she comes home, drunk as a
lord, a second time and then I go really angry, but it wasn’t like I felt she
should be punished or something like that, that I should be raging at her. But
I got scared, because she couldn’t control it. Because if she could [control
it], she wouldn’t have gotten so drunk. [..] And her little sister came running
in to me:
“Mum, Anna is just laying on the bed with all her
clothes on!”. Then I went to see, and I
couldn’t get through to her. Had there been a guy, he could
have raped her five or 17 times.
[..] I’m very angry that she isn’t in touch with herself, that she knows: that’s the boundary. It is that
boundary I will like for her to learn, and I’m not sure she has learned it yet.
In this sense the parents are living with a strong
sense of uncertainty as they accept that that the only true way of becoming an
alcohol user is by going through a period of experimenting with one’s
boundaries, as perceiving the effects of alcohol cannot be taught; it is a
bodily experience.
Demystifying the fear of intoxication
[TO THE READER: LEFT OUT]
CONCLUSION
By following Becker’s three learning steps, this
article has demonstrated that while there is a certain road to learning to use
non-conventional and illicit drugs, there is a similar road to using the
conventional and licit drug alcohol. In
parents, the drinking techniques are ways of minimising the
risks, whereas among the adolescents the drinking techniques are perceived as
ways of maximising the pleasure associated with alcohol intoxication, i.e. to
have fun together with their friends at parties. Furthermore, if the
adolescents can demonstrate that they know how to have fun while heavily
intoxicated, they can distinguish themselves as connoisseurs. For different
reasons then, neither parents nor adolescents desire unbounded alcohol
consumption. In this sense ‘controlled loss of control’ is what the adolescents
are aiming at, especially if one is a girl, as unbounded alcohol consumption is
less acceptable for girls than for boys.
The analysis of the second step - learning to perceive
the effects – supports the argument that becoming an alcohol user is a question
of learning to gain control of the intoxication. On average the adolescents
perceive themselves to be more in control in their most recent intoxication
than at their intoxication debut, despite the fact that on average they
consumed more units of alcohol when recently intoxicated than at their
intoxication debut. Furthermore, uncontrolled consumption, which according to
the focus group study was associated with aggressive and annoying behaviour,
was generally not how the adolescents wanted to be seen when intoxicated.
However, the regular users did, to a higher degree than the occasional users,
see themselves as acting out of control, but they
also saw themselves as changing to having more positive
characteristics, such as becoming more affectionate and brave. Learning to
become an alcohol user then also seems to be about learning that one is acting
differently when intoxicated, and preferably to be so much in control that one
can maintain a positive self-image. This result clearly indicates how learning
to be in control of the intoxication is a social and cultural process, in fact
a process which draws on very traditional gender roles, as the regularly using
girls would see themselves as more affectionate, whereas the regularly using
boys would see themselves as becoming more aggressive.
Finally, the analysis of the third step – learning to
enjoy the effect – suggests that a
presumption for continuous and more extensive use of alcohol is
to learn to demystify the negative experiences. Hence both parents and
adolescents were of the opinion that controlled alcohol consumption could only
be learned through a period of ‘trial and error’, which essentially means that
the adolescents experiment with their boundaries and thereby lose control and
throw up. In this way the parents unintentionally end up legitimising
risk-taking actions, so it is hardly surprising that the regular users in
particular have had many negative experiences with drinking alcohol. However
,this did not make them fear the alcohol intoxication. On
the contrary, it seems that this extensive practice with taking risk with
alcohol has demystified any initial fear, which was still dominant among the
less experienced users. By drawing on the post-modern socio-cultural theory of
risk, it can therefore be argued that among the less experienced users, the
risks associated with drinking alcohol outweigh the pleasure and therefore
continued use is not taking place. On the contrary, among the regular users the
pleasure of drinking alcohol outweighs the risks, and therefore extensive
alcohol use can be maintained.
FUTURE PERSPECTIVES: SEEKING PLEASURE BY TAKING RISKS WITH DRUGS
The story of how Danish adolescents become alcohol users ends where it is anticipated that
continued use only takes place when the feeling of being
intoxicated is perceived as pleasant. Becker (1953) never really discusses in
depth the meaning of pleasure. However, future research could benefit from
elaborating on drug use and the meaning of pleasure and investigate how it
might be different depending on use of either licit or illicit drugs, or among
different groups. As mentioned above, an English study of young females taking
the drug Ecstasy (Hutton 2003) reveals how young females use drug taking as a
way to experiment with their sexuality and traditional modes of femininity.
However, the study also show how the young females feel that the outside world
(represented by in particularly men in mainstream clubs) is quick to see
drug-taking women as being more ‘up for it’ sexually, and how this puts
pressure on them to be more sexually active or at least expressive8. This might
likewise be the case in this study of 14-16 year-olds, especially as it is
indicated that it was predominantly the girls who regretted that they had made
out with someone while intoxicated. The pressure to be more ‘up for it’
sexually (that one is willing to flirt, kiss and make out) is then certainly a
risk the girls seem to be facing when starting out on the road to becoming an
alcohol user. However, at the same time this can also be turned into something
positive, as the girls also see themselves as more brave when intoxicated. In
this sense taking the risk of making out with someone gives the girls access to
play with their sexuality and perhaps experience a sense of pleasure, which is
otherwise restricted. Other research (see Demant
2007) based on the same focus group interviews suggests that this is also the
case for the boys, although the boys (of the same age) are somewhat restricted
to seeking pleasure in smaller male-only groups where heavy drinking is giving
them access to explore a different kind of sexuality. In this senseheavy alcohol consumption gives the adolescents access
to be ‘up for it’ sexually and perhaps experience a form of pleasure which is
otherwise restricted.
Furthermore it would be fascinating to apply Becker’s
learning theory in a number of
countries with equal and/or different types of regularity of
drinking and extent of drunkenness (Room et al. 2000). Is the road to becoming
an alcohol user different in countries where it is not accepted or expected
that adolescents engage in heavy alcohol consumption at a relatively young
age? This article has revealed the notion of ‘controlled
loss of control’ as the focal point among Danish adolescents, like it is in the
Finally, it should be underlined that not all Danish
adolescents become alcohol users and not all Danish parents approve of their children
starting to experiment with alcohol use. The
deterministic element presented in this article can be circumvented
by using quantitative
longitudinal data. In that case, it could be revealed if many negetive experiences or a particularly negative experience
might cause some adolescents to stop drinking alcohol, just like Becker is
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his study: “The term “use for pleasure” is meant to
emphasize the noncompulsive and causal character of
the behaviour.
It is also meant to eliminate from consideration here
those few cases in which marihuana is used for its prestige value
only, as a symbol that one is a certain kind of person,
with no pleasure at all being derived from its use” (Becker
1953:236). This is perhaps
one explanation of why he does not elaborate any further on the (symbolic)
meaning of
pleasure.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
arguing in relation to marihuana users. However as
deterministic element presented in this article is probably not far
from how many Danes experience it: Once on the road to becoming a recreational
alcohol user, it is very difficult to get off.
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