Learning to become
an alcohol user:
Adolescents taking
risks and parents living with uncertainty
Jeanette Østergaard*
For presentation to ‘Exploding methods’
20th of September 2007
*Department of Sociology,
Please do not quote. All corresponding to: jo@sociology.ku.dk. The following are
extracts from a lengthier article that I just finished writing. Readers who are
interested in the article in its full length are very welcome to contact me at
to the above mentioned email.
Abstract
This article investigates how adolescents aged 14-16 learn to become
alcohol users in a country like
(born in 1989). The qualitative data consists of 28 focus group
interviews with adolescents in the eighth and ninth grade in different parts of
Denmark and eight focus group interviews with parents who have a child aged
14-16. The method used for combining the qualitative and quantitative material
is Becker’s idea of the orderly sequence model of the three learning steps and
Abbott’s argument (1992) that quantitative data analysis should focus more on
process, the story, and less on discovering causality. In this sense, the
article follows Becker’s argument that interpretations of ‘hard findings’ rely
on “the less easily measured, though still easily observed aspects of social
life.”(Becker 1993:222)
“…I never really did work on deviance as such. What
happened was I did my master’s thesis on musicians. After
I got out of school, I did the marijuana study, which I
wanted to do because I read Alfred Lindesmith’s book on
opium and addiction and thought, This is really terrific I
could do the same thing with marijuana. It’ll be interesting
because it’s not addictive. It’ll be kind of an interesting
comparison.” Interview with Howard Becker (Plummer et
al 2003:22).
INTRODUCTION
Half a century ago, when Howard Becker wrote ‘Becoming a Marihuana User’
(1953) he was inspired by Lindesmith’s study on opium. Likewise, Becker’s study
is the inspiration for this article. The aim is to reveal that while there is a
certain road to becoming a recreational marihuana user, there is a similar road
to becoming a recreational alcohol user. Compared to other European countries,
the road to becoming an alcohol user begins at a relative young age in
wrote the book ‘Outsiders’1. Even though Becker’s labelling theory has
aroused much criticism for instance for neglecting dimensions of power and for
siding with the ‘underdog’ deviants (Fox 1996), the purpose of his article is
first and foremost to describe the process of learning to use a psychoactive
drug on a recreational2 basis. And precisely because Becker
is describing this path it is possible to compare the road to learning to use
an illicit drug (marihuana) with learning to use a licit drug (alcohol).
When Danish adolescents are 14-16 years old, drinking alcohol is not
novel as a majority has tasted alcohol before the age of 13 (Due & Holstein
2002). However, the experience of intoxication
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1 ‘Becoming a marihuana user’ was first
published in the American Journal of Sociology,
book ‘Outsiders’ (1963) was published.
2 The concept of recreational users is
defined in sharp contrast to misusers or addicts. As Lindesmith is arguing, in
formulating a sociological theory of drug addiction,
addiction is when pleasure, which might have been established in
the initial phase, no longer holds true (Lindesmith
1938:596). Becker takes this as his point of departure, as he argues
that the purpose of the paper is ‘to describe the
sequence of changes in attitude and experiences which lead to the use of
marihuana for pleasure’ (Becker 1953:235).
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
is new (Gundelach & Järvinen 2006, Hibell et al. 2004). Hence between
the age of 14-16, Danish adolescents, like the novice marijuana user, find
themselves in a situation, where they must learn to recognise and handle the
effect of intoxication. In fact they must learn to handle intoxication caused
by heavy alcohol consumption, because Danish adolescents’ way of consuming
alcohol can be characterised as extensive drunkenness (Room and Mäkela 2000,
Ahlström et al. 2004; Demant & Østergaard 2006).
The intoxicated state as described by Becker could be seen as quite
different from alcohol
intoxication, because the two drugs have different psychoactive effects
(Plant and Plant 2002) and there are different socially and culturally learned
ways of enhancing the desired and appropriate intoxicated behaviour (Orcutt
1978). Hence the intoxicated state of marihuana is usually described as
‘internally oriented’ whereas the intoxicated state of alcohol are usually
described as more ‘externally oriented’ (i.e. alcohol will encourage sociable
interpersonal behaviour) (ibid:386). However, despite these differences
Becker’s three learning steps can still be applied as a common denominator,
because no matter whether one is a novice marihuana or alcohol user, one still
has to 1) learn the techniques to produce the real effects (i.e. getting
drunk), 2) learn to perceive the effects and connect them with the drug use,
and 3) learn to enjoy the feeling of being intoxicated (Becker 1953:235).
Secondly, 50 years ago, in a rebellious act against that time’s image and approach
to drug use, Becker introduced the pleasure of drug taking (O’Malley 2004).
Since then research has only to a limited degree focused on ‘drug use and
pleasure’ (Measham et al. 2001; O’Malley 2004, 1998; Parker 2005; Calafat 2001)
compared to the attention given to ‘drug use and risk’ (Bjarnason 2005; Dobson
et al. 2006; Peretti-Watal 2003b, Leigh 1999). In the slipstream of Ulrick Beck
(1992) and Giddens (1992, 1994) the dominating approach has been ‘risk
management’ and ‘risk assessments’ (Fox 1999; Hunt 2007). Hence a final and
important reason for using Becker as inspiration is to add the notion of
pleasure in understanding how recreational drug use is learned among
adolescents. The article will draw on a combination of quantitative and
qualitative material.
LEARNING CONTROLLED ALCOHOL
USE
[TO THE READER: The theoretical discussion is left out in order minimize
the number of words. The interested reader is very welcome to email me and
receive the paper in its full length].
THE PRESENT STUDY
The aim of this article is three-fold. First of all, by following
Becker’s three learning steps, learning the techniques, learning to perceive
the effects and learning to enjoy the effects, the aim is to show
that like there is a career into non-conventional drug use (Pedersen 1998;
Parker 1998 et al; Parker 2005), there is a career into conventional
licit drug use. As studies from both the
The second aim of the article is to integrate Becker’s theory with the
argument of ‘controlled loss of control’. In comparison to the
Finally, in placing the sequential model of the recreational drug user
in a broader context
(Becker 1963:61), Becker draws attention to how continuous drug use also
depends on a number of external factors, one of them being availability and
accessibility of the drug (see also Parker 2005). At the age of 16, it is legal
for Danish adolescents to purchase alcohol (both spirits and beer), but even
for under-age adolescents there seems to be few obstacles to getting hold of
alcohol (either from the store or from parents) (Jørgensen et al. 2006;
Gundelach and Järvinen 2006). Hence at the age of 14-16, the act of
experimenting with alcohol can hardly be labelled criminal or deviant. In fact,
in light of the percentage of abstainers in the general population, it might be
more accurate to approach ‘not drinking alcohol’ as rule-breaking behaviour and
therefore boldly label this as ‘deviant behaviour’ in
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
3 The concept ‘demystify’ is used
deliberately instead of the concept normalisation (Parker 2005; Peretti-Watal
2003b)
as alcohol is a (normal) aspect of adults’ everyday
life (Eurobarometer 2007).
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
(Demant and Järvinen 2006), but also representative of the adult
population (Järvinen 2003;
Elmeland 1996), and in particular among teenage parents (Järvinen and
Østergaard 2006). Hence the final and third aim of trying to grasp how Danish
adolescents become alcohol users at a relatively young age is to investigate
how parents teach them ‘the controlled use of alcohol’. [TO THE READER:The
hypothesis are left out]
DATA AND METHOD
Three different data sets are used to test the hypotheses. Of greatest
importance are analyses based on data from a survey on adolescent drinking
habits, which was conducted under a major Danish research project on ‘Youth and
Alcohol’(The PUNA survey) (Gundelach and Järvinen 2006). In January
paper will draw on two different sets of qualitative material, 8 focus
group interviews with parents (n=50) who had one child in the 14-16 age group,
and 28 focus group interviews with adolescents (n=117) aged 14-16 (Morgan
1997). The focus group interviews with parents were mainly conducted to
elaborate on the results of the survey study (Morgan 1998). Via the school
teachers of a year group of 9th grade students, the parents of the
adolescents were approached by personal letter. The 28 focus group interviews
with adolescents were conducted by Demant (see also Demant & Järvinen 2006;
Demant & Østergaard 2007) as part of the research project Youth and Alcohol
(PUNA) (Gundelach and Järvinen 2006). [TO the READER:left out more details
about the focus group study…]
The method used to combine the quantitative and qualitative material can
be described as an analysis of ‘orderly sequence’ (Becker 1963). This
approach is inspired by Becker’s sequential model (Peretti-Watel 2003a), but
also by Abbott (1992), who argues that quantitative analysis should focus more
on describing narrative sequences and less on discovering causality. Hence the
different materials are not used to validate each other, but used in such a way
that they tell the story – the ‘orderly sequence model’ – of how to become an
alcohol user. In this way the narratives behind the numbers are revealed.
Quantitative data are not that different from qualitative data as they are also
objects of narrative interpretations (Kritzer 1996).
Mixed methods were also applied in a large international research
project on risk and control in the recreational drug culture (see Calafat
2001). Their main focus is illicit drug use (especially ecstasy) among young
adults. However, inspired by Becker they divide the young adults into different
user groups depending on their frequency of drug use (ibid: 38). Likewise, the
adolescents participating in the PUNA survey will be categorised into four user
groups based on their drinking experiences. However, for comparison between
novices and connoisseurs, only adolescents attending the 9th grade will be selected
for the analysis (n=1219). The four different user groups can be described as
follows: The abstainers (11%) are those who have never consumed alcohol;
the novices (16%) are those who have consumed one unit of alcohol, but
never been intoxicated. The occasional (28%) users are those who
have been intoxicated, but haven’t been binge drinking (5+ units) within the
previous 30 days. The regular users (45%) are defined as those who have
been binge drinking once or more within the previous 30 days. Hence regular use
does not refer to
systematic and daily use of alcohol, but to regular heavy weekend
consumption4. The distinction between occasional and regular users
is supported by the fact that regular users report first intoxication at a much
younger age than occasional users5, and have been more frequently intoxicated
within the last year.
Contingency tables based on the Pearson chi squared statistic and - in
the case of two ordinal or binary variables - the g-coefficients are used for
measuring the degree of association between user groups and diverse indicators
of the three learning steps. In case of continuous variables, t-tests are used
for comparison of means in the various groups and in variables measuring before
and after an event. An exploratory factor analysis (a principal component
method with varimax rotation) is used to identify specific risk dimensions
among eight indicator variables. All analyses were computed using SPSS.
LEARNING THE DRINKING TECHNIQUES
[TO THE READER: LEFT OUT]
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
4 Binge-drinking adolescents, however, would
most likely not define themselves as regular users as this term has strong
connotations of addiction. They would more likely see
themselves as experimental users, which in fact is in agreement
with Becker’s use of the concept regular user. However
defining binge drinking adolescents as regular users
corresponds to how that consuming rather large amounts
of alcohol is now socially acceptable in many western
industrialised countries (Sheehan et al. 2001).
5 Among the regular users 29% experienced
their first intoxication at the age of 13 or younger. Among the occasional
users only 13% experienced their first intoxication at
this age (g= 0,3 p < 0,001)
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Drinking techniques: the parents’ perspective
[TO THE READER: LEFT OUT]
Learning the drinking techniques: the adolescents’ perspective
[TO THE READER: LEFT OUT]
LEARNING TO PERCEIVE THE EFFECTS
[TO THE READER: LEFT OUT]
Learning to recognise ‘how to be’
[TO THE READER: LEFT OUT]
LEARNING TO TAKE RISK WITH ALCOHOL
According to Becker, the premises for learning to enjoy the effects are
that the initial negative experiences, such as dizziness, sickness, and no
sense of time or distance, are turned into positive ones. In the following it
will be tested (3a, 3b and 3c), whether having many negative experiences is
more common among the regular users and what type of risk-taking action is most
common. Then it is discussed how adolescents and their parents perceive these
negative experiences as part of the process of demystify alcohol use.
In the focus group interviews, the adolescents describe their many
unpleasant experiences
with alcohol and how they have seen their friends getting sick, etc. The
more common experiences are feeling uncomfortable, throwing up and not
remembering one’s acts, whereas the more severe experiences are shivering,
passing out, being taken to the hospital for observation or pumped out. The
survey shows the same pattern as the two most common reported negative
experiences are throwing up and feeling loss of control. As hypothesised, the
regular users have to a much greater extent experienced loss of control (i.e.
throwing up is also considered loss of control). Figure 2 reveals how 75% of
the regular users have experienced getting sick from alcohol and 64% feel they
have lost control at one point. In contrast 49% and 42%, respectively of the
occasional users have
experienced these two risk factors. And close to none of the novices
have experienced taking risk with alcohol6. Few ,but still a
considerable proportion, have experienced to be seriously injured and getting
into a fight. The regular users predominately account for these negative
experiences.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
6 The abstainers were not asked about alcohol-related
negative experiences.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
As hypothesised, boys and girls report having different negative
experiences with alcohol (se appendix A, table 1.4). The regularly using boys
have to a far greater extent experienced getting into a fight. The regularly
and occasionally using girls, on the contrary, have to a greater extent
experienced regretting making out with someone. Hence it seems that risk-taking
actions associated with alcohol are also intertwined in traditional gender
roles – girls have to a higher degree than boys regretted sexual contact,
whereas it is mainly the boys (although still very few of them) who end up
fighting. However, it is not the case that boys have lost control to a higher
degree than girls. In contrast this is reported particularly by the regularly
using girls. This might be explained by the fact that the girls worry more
about losing control than the boys, and therefore are more attentive towards
it. After all, the consequences of losing control could be said to be more
decisive for the girls, since their boundaries are tighter, as Measham (2002)
suggests in her study.
The fact that the regular users top the list in figure 2 could be an
outcome of they, on average, begin their journey to become alcohol users
approximately 47 months before the occasional users. Hence regularly
using adolescents have been drinking for a longer period, which might explain
why
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
7 The average age for intoxication debut is
14 years and 2 months for the occasional users and 13 years and 10 months for
the regular users.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
two thirds of them have experienced to get sick from alcohol. Another
explanation is that as they began to drink at a younger age, they were less
aware of the effects of alcohol (for instance also about the above-mentioned
drinking techniques). However, a final and perhaps the most significant
explanation of the high number of risk-taking actions among the regular users
is the general belief among both parents and adolescents that learning to
become an alcohol user requires that one is experimenting, with losing control
as the premise for learning to gain control. As some of the girls suggest when
asked, in the focus group interviews, whether they can find their own
boundaries:
E(g): //Well, there is kind of like a boundary, but it’s not like I’ve
tried to lie there
throwing up.
T(g): You need to have that experience
J(g): You have to try it, I think. It must be tried one time before you
know it [the
boundary]. Because next time I’m drinking, I know how much to drink.
E(g): Yes because it does happen, from time to time, right?
J(g):It can happen to everyone!
E(g): There are some for whom it is more difficult to acknowledge their
boundaries
[looks at T], right, isn’t there?
In the initial phase, losing control is the way to find one’s boundary
and become a connoisseur. However, as the girls are saying, it must just not
happen too often, especially if one is a girl, which, as mentioned above, is
something both boys and girls agree on.
Although it is expected (by the adolescents) and to some degree accepted
(by the parents) that adolescents engage in these risk-taking actions, it is
not without worries and concerns from parents (and as we shall see later from
the novices and occasional users). In the following quote a mother is
describing her vivid experience of when her daughter was heavily intoxicated
for the second time:
L(w): I was very scared and said: you will NOT do that again [referring
to the first time her
daughter was very drunk]. And then she comes home, drunk as a lord, a
second time and then I go really angry, but it wasn’t like I felt she should be
punished or something like that, that I should be raging at her. But I got
scared, because she couldn’t control it. Because if she could [control it], she
wouldn’t have gotten so drunk. [..] And her little sister came running in to
me:
“Mum, Anna is just laying on the bed with all her clothes on!”. Then I
went to see, and I
couldn’t get through to her. Had there been a guy, he could have raped
her five or 17 times.
[..] I’m very angry that she isn’t in touch with herself, that she
knows: that’s the boundary. It is that boundary I will like for her to learn,
and I’m not sure she has learned it yet.
In this sense the parents are living with a strong sense of uncertainty
as they accept that that the only true way of becoming an alcohol user is by
going through a period of experimenting with one’s boundaries, as perceiving
the effects of alcohol cannot be taught; it is a bodily experience.
Demystifying the fear of intoxication
[TO THE READER: LEFT OUT]
CONCLUSION
By following Becker’s three learning steps, this article has demonstrated
that while there is a certain road to learning to use non-conventional and
illicit drugs, there is a similar road to using the conventional and licit drug
alcohol. In
parents, the drinking techniques are ways of minimising the risks,
whereas among the adolescents the drinking techniques are perceived as ways of
maximising the pleasure associated with alcohol intoxication, i.e. to have fun
together with their friends at parties. Furthermore, if the adolescents can
demonstrate that they know how to have fun while heavily intoxicated, they can
distinguish themselves as connoisseurs. For different reasons then, neither
parents nor adolescents desire unbounded alcohol consumption. In this sense
‘controlled loss of control’ is what the adolescents are aiming at, especially
if one is a girl, as unbounded alcohol consumption is less acceptable for girls
than for boys.
The analysis of the second step - learning to perceive the effects –
supports the argument that becoming an alcohol user is a question of learning
to gain control of the intoxication. On average the adolescents perceive
themselves to be more in control in their most recent intoxication than at
their intoxication debut, despite the fact that on average they consumed more
units of alcohol when recently intoxicated than at their intoxication debut.
Furthermore, uncontrolled consumption, which according to the focus group study
was associated with aggressive and annoying behaviour, was generally not how
the adolescents wanted to be seen when intoxicated. However, the regular users
did, to a higher degree than the occasional users, see themselves as acting out
of control, but they
also saw themselves as changing to having more positive characteristics,
such as becoming more affectionate and brave. Learning to become an alcohol
user then also seems to be about learning that one is acting differently when
intoxicated, and preferably to be so much in control that one can maintain a
positive self-image. This result clearly indicates how learning to be in
control of the intoxication is a social and cultural process, in fact a process
which draws on very traditional gender roles, as the regularly using girls
would see themselves as more affectionate, whereas the regularly using boys
would see themselves as becoming more aggressive.
Finally, the analysis of the third step – learning to enjoy the effect –
suggests that a
presumption for continuous and more extensive use of alcohol is to learn
to demystify the negative experiences. Hence both parents and adolescents were
of the opinion that controlled alcohol consumption could only be learned
through a period of ‘trial and error’, which essentially means that the
adolescents experiment with their boundaries and thereby lose control and throw
up. In this way the parents unintentionally end up legitimising risk-taking
actions, so it is hardly surprising that the regular users in particular have
had many negative experiences with drinking alcohol. However
,this did not make them fear the alcohol intoxication. On the contrary,
it seems that this extensive practice with taking risk with alcohol has
demystified any initial fear, which was still dominant among the less
experienced users. By drawing on the post-modern socio-cultural theory of risk,
it can therefore be argued that among the less experienced users, the risks
associated with drinking alcohol outweigh the pleasure and therefore continued
use is not taking place. On the contrary, among the regular users the pleasure
of drinking alcohol outweighs the risks, and therefore extensive alcohol use
can be maintained.
FUTURE PERSPECTIVES: SEEKING PLEASURE BY TAKING RISKS WITH
DRUGS
The story of how Danish adolescents become alcohol users ends where it
is anticipated that
continued use only takes place when the feeling of being intoxicated is
perceived as pleasant. Becker (1953) never really discusses in depth the
meaning of pleasure. However, future research could benefit from elaborating on
drug use and the meaning of pleasure and investigate how it might be different
depending on use of either licit or illicit drugs, or among different groups. As
mentioned above, an English study of young females taking the drug Ecstasy
(Hutton 2003) reveals how young females use drug taking as a way to experiment
with their sexuality and traditional modes of femininity. However, the study
also show how the young females feel that the outside world (represented by in
particularly men in mainstream clubs) is quick to see drug-taking women as
being more ‘up for it’ sexually, and how this puts pressure on them to be more
sexually active or at least expressive8. This might likewise be the case
in this study of 14-16 year-olds, especially as it is indicated that it was
predominantly the girls who regretted that they had made out with someone while
intoxicated. The pressure to be more ‘up for it’ sexually (that one is willing
to flirt, kiss and make out) is then certainly a risk the girls seem to be
facing when starting out on the road to becoming an alcohol user. However, at
the same time this can also be turned into something positive, as the girls
also see themselves as more brave when intoxicated. In this sense taking the
risk of making out with someone gives the girls access to play with their
sexuality and perhaps experience a sense of pleasure, which is otherwise
restricted. Other research (see Demant 2007) based on the same focus group
interviews suggests that this is also the case for the boys, although the boys
(of the same age) are somewhat restricted to seeking pleasure in smaller male-only
groups where heavy drinking is giving them access to explore a different kind
of sexuality. In this senseheavy alcohol consumption gives the adolescents
access to be ‘up for it’ sexually and perhaps experience a form of pleasure
which is otherwise restricted.
Furthermore it would be fascinating to apply Becker’s learning theory in
a number of
countries with equal and/or different types of regularity of drinking
and extent of drunkenness (Room et al. 2000). Is the road to becoming an
alcohol user different in countries where it is not accepted or expected that
adolescents engage in heavy alcohol consumption at a relatively young
age? This article has revealed the notion of ‘controlled loss of
control’ as the focal point among Danish adolescents, like it is in the
Finally, it should be underlined that not all Danish adolescents become
alcohol users and not all Danish parents approve of their children starting to
experiment with alcohol use. The
deterministic element presented in this article can be circumvented by
using quantitative
longitudinal data. In that case, it could be revealed if many negetive
experiences or a particularly negative experience might cause some adolescents
to stop drinking alcohol, just like Becker is
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
his study: “The term “use for pleasure” is meant to
emphasize the noncompulsive and causal character of the behaviour.
It is also meant to eliminate from consideration here
those few cases in which marihuana is used for its prestige value
only, as a symbol that one is a certain kind of
person, with no pleasure at all being derived from its use” (Becker
1953:236). This is perhaps one explanation of why he
does not elaborate any further on the (symbolic) meaning of
pleasure.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
arguing in relation to marihuana users. However as
deterministic element presented in this article is probably not far from
how many Danes experience it: Once on the road to becoming a recreational
alcohol user, it is very difficult to get off.
REFERENCES
Abbott, A. (1992). From Causes to Events - Notes on Narrative
Positivism. Sociological Methods &
Research, 20(4), 428-455.
Ahlström, S., & Österberg, E. L. (2004). International Perspectives
on Adolescent and Young Adult
Drinking. Alcohol Research and Health, 28(4), 258-268.
Beck (1992). Risk Society.
Becker, H. S. (1963). Outsiders.
Becker, H. S. (1953). Becoming a marihuana user. The American Journal
of Sociology, 59(3), 235-
242.
Bjarnason, T., & Jonsson, S. H. (2005). Contrast effects in perceived
risk of substance use.
Substance Use & Misuse, 40(11), 1733-1748.
Bloomfield, K., Stockwell, T., Gmel, G., & Rehn, N. (2003).
International comparisons of alcohol consumption. Alcohol Research &
Health, 27(1), 95-109.
Brain, K. (2000). Youth, alcohol and the emergence of the post-modern
alcohol order.
11th International conference on alcohol.
Calafat, A., Fernándex, C., Juan, M., Bellis, M.A., Bohrn, K.,
Hakkarainen, P., Kilfoyle-Carington,
M., Kokkevi, A., Maalsté, N., Mendes, F., Siamou,
Risk and control in the recerational drug culture. Sonar project.
Demant, J. & Järvinen, M. (2006). Constructing maturity through
alcohol experience. Addicition
Research and Theory, 14(6), 589-602.
Demant, J. & Østergaard, J. (2006). Mellem tør og våd alkoholkultur [Between
dry and wet alcohol
cultures]. In S. Bech, & S. Reesen (Ed.), Rundt om rusen -
en antologi om unge og rusmidler (pp.
19-26) [In a frenzy of intoxication: An anthology of youth and
substance].
Komiteen for Sundhedsoplysning.
Demant, J. & Østergaard, J. (2007). Partying as everyday life:
Investigations of teenagers’ leisure
life. Forth coming in Journal of Youth Studies.
Demant, J. (2007). Youthful drinking with a purpose. Intersections of
age and sex in teenage
identity work. Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs, 24(2),
129-176.
Demers, A., Kairouz, S., Adlaf, E. M., Gliksman, L., Newton-Taylor, B.,
& Marchand, A. (2002).
Multilevel analysis of situational drinking among Canadian
undergraduates. Social Science &
Medicine, vol. 55, no. 3, pp. 415-424.
Dobson, S., Brudalen, R., & Tobiassen, H. (2006). Courting risk: The
attempt to understand youth
cultures. Young.Nordic Journal of Youth Research, 14(1), 49-59.
Routledge.
Due, P. & Holstein, B. E. (2003). Skolebørnsundersøgelsen 2002 [The
child study (HBSC) 2002]:
Eurobarometer 2007: Attitudes towards alcohol. Special Europbarometer
272b/Wave 66.2.
http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/ebs/ebs_272b_en.pdf
Elmeland, K. (1996). Dansk alkoholkultur - rus, ritual og regulering
[Danish alcohol culture –
inttoxication, ritual and regulation]. Forlaget Holte: SOCPOL.
Featherstone, M. (1991). The Body in Consumer culture. In M. Feathersone,
M. Hepworth, & B.
Turner (Ed.) (pp 170-195), The body: social process and cultural
theory.
Fox, K. J. (1996). The margins of underdog sociology: Implications for
the “West Coast AIDS
Project”. Social Problems, 43(4), 363-386.
Fox, N. (1999). Postmodern reflections on ‘risk’, ‘hazards’ and life
choices. In D. Lupton (Ed.),
Risk and sociocultural theory: new directions and perspectives
(pp.12-33).
Press.
Giddens, A. (1991). Modernity and self-identity.
Giddens, A. (1994). The consequences of modernity.
Gundelach, P. & Järvinen, M. (2006). Unge, fester og alkohol
[Adolescents, parties and alcohol].
Hibell, B., Andersson, B., Bjarnasson, T., Ahlström, S., Balakireva, O.,
Kokkevi, A., & Morgan, M.
(2004). The Espad Report 2003. Alcohol and Other Drug Use Among Students
in 35 European
Countries.
Hunt,G., Evans, K., & Kares, F. (2007). Drug use and meanings of
risk and pleasure. Journal of
Youth Studies, 10(1), 73-96.
Hutton, F. C. (2003). Up for It, Mad for It? Women, Drug Use and
Participation in Club Scenes.
Health, Risk and Society, 2004(6), Sept, 223-Sept, 237.
Järvinen, M., & Østergaard, J. (2006). Governing adolescents’ drinking
practice. Paper presented at
Society. Revised version is presently under review at Youth and Society.
Järvinen, M. (2003). Drinking rituals and drinking problems in a wet
culture. Addicition Research
Theory, 11(4), 217-233.
Järvinen, M., & Gundelach, P. (2007). Teenage Drinking, Symbolic
Capital and Distinction.
Journal of Youth Studies, 10(1), 55-71.
Jørgensen, M. H., Riegels, M.,
af alkohol til personer under 16 år [Evaluation of the prohibition of
alcohol sale to adolescents
under the age of 16].
Kritzer, H. M. (1996). The data puzzle: The nature of interpretation in
quantitative research.
American Journal of Political Science, 40(1), 1-32.
Leigh, B.C. (1999). Peril, chance, adventure: concepts of risk, alcohol
use and risky behavior in
young adults. Addiction, 94(3), 371-383.
Lindesmith, A. R. (1938). A Sociological Theory of Drug Addiction. The
American Journal of
Sociology, 43(4), 593-613.
Lupton, D. (1999a). Introduction: Risk and sociocultural theory. In D.
Lupton (Ed.), Risk and
sociocultural theory: new directions and perspectives (pp.1-11).
Lupton, D. (1999b). Risk.
Measham, F., & Brain, K. (2005). ‘Binge’ drinking, British alcohol
policy and the new culture of
intoxication. Crime Media Culture, 1(3), 262-283.
Measham, F., Aldridge, J., & Parker, H. (2001). Dancing on Drugs.
Risk, health and hedonism in
the British club scene.
Measham, F. (2002). Doing gender - doing drugs: conceptualizing the
gendering of drugs cultures.
Contemporary Drug Problems, 29 (Summer), 335-373.
Morgan, D. L. (1997). Focus Groups as qualitative research .
Morgan, D. L. (1998). Practical strategies for combining qualitative and
quantitative methods:
Applications for health research. Qualitative Health Research,
8(3), 362-376.
O’Malley, P. M., & Valverde,
M. (2004). Pleasure,
Freedom and Drugs: The uses of ‘pleasure’ in
liberal governance of drug and alcohol consumption. Sociology - the
Journal of the British
Sociological Association, 38(1), 25-42.
O’Malley, P. M., Johnston, L. D., & Bachman, J. G. (1998). Alcohol
use among adolescents.
Alcohol Health & Research World, 22(2), 85-93.
Orcutt, J. D. (1978). Normative Definitions of Intoxicated States - Test
of Several Sociological
Theories. Social Problems, 25(4), 385-396.
Parker, H., Aldridge, J., & Measham, F. (1998). Illegal Leisure. The
Normalization of Adolescent
Recreational Drug Use.
Parker, H. (2005). Normalization as a barometer: Recreational drug use
and the consumption of
leisure by younger Britons. Addicition Research and Theory,
13(3), 205-215.
Peretti-Watel, P. (2003a). How does one become a cannabis smoker? A
quantitative approach.
Revue Francaise de Sociologie, 44, 3-27.
Peretti-Watel, P. (2003b). Neutralization Theory and the Denial of Risk:
Some Evidence from
Cannabis Use among French Adolescents. The British Journal of
Sociology, 54(1), 21-42.
Plummer, K., & Becker, H. S. (2003). Continuity and change in Howard
S. Becker's work - An
interview with Howard S. Becker. Sociological Perspectives,
46(1), 21-39.
Rheinländer, T., & Nielsen, G. A. (2007). Unges livsstil og
dagligdag 2006 [Adolescents’ lifestyle
and everyday life 2006].
Room, R., & Mäkela, K. (2000). Typologies of the cultural position
of drinking. Journal of Studies
on Alcohol, 61(3), 475-483.
Sabroe, K. E., & Christensen, H. B. (1995). Børn, voksne og alkohol
[Children, Adults, and
alcohol]:
Sheehan, M., & Ridge, D. (2001). “You become really close ... you
talk about the silly things you
did, and we laugh“: The role of binge drinking in female secondary
students’ lives. Substance Use
& Misuse, 36(3), 347-372.
Tulloch, J., & Lupton, D. (2003). Risk and Everyday Life.
Østergaard, J. (2007). Mind the gap or gender? When boys and girls get
drunk at the party. Nordic
Studies on Alcohol and Drugs, 24(2), 127-148.
PDF Created with deskPDF PDF Writer - Trial :: http://www.docudesk.com
copyright
©http://cpswiki.uit.no/files/jeanette_ostergaard.pdf
Academic year 2008/2009
© a.r.e.a./Dr.Vicente Forés López
©Macarena
García Mora
Universitat de València Press
garmoma2@alumni.uv.es
Página creada: 1/11/08